HRC Press Conference: Special Rapporteur on oPt - 27 March 2024
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HRC Press Conference: Special Rapporteur on oPt - 27 March 2024

STORY: Albanese OPT Report

TRT: 2:26”









1. Exterior medium shot: UN flag alley  

2. Wide shot: speaker at the podium of the press conference 

3. SOUNDBITE (English) – Speaker:  Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967: “The flagrant and systematic slaughter of Palestinian civilians, the deployment of unlawful weaponry, the utter obliteration of vital civilian infrastructure, including the deliberate targeting of all Gaza’s hospitals and the man-made starvation of the Palestinian people transcend the realm of war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

4. Medium shot: Journalists in the press room

5. SOUNDBITE (French) – Speaker :  Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967 : "Être chassé, désintégré en tant que peuple c’est quelque chose qui est la Nakba. La Nakba c’est ce que les Palestiniens ont vécu depuis 1947 et encore en 1967personne n’en parle mais la destruction de villages, le dépeuplement forcé c’est ce qu’ils ont vécu. C’est pour ça, ce que je dis ce n’est pas tout à fait nouveau maintenant on a atteint un niveau qu’on ne peut plus ignorer. ”

6. Wide shot: speakers at the podium filmed from behind during the press conference with journalists in the press room  

7. SOUNDBITE (English) – Speaker:  Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967: “Israel has justified, has explained its military actions as proportionate, as not targeting civilians - they didn't achieve that goal, considering that 70 per cent, 70 per cent of the victims have steadily been women and children - throughout the assault on Gaza.”

8. Wide shot: Journalists, cameraman and people in the gallery of the press room   

9. SOUNDBITE (English) – – Speaker:  Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on The Palestinian Territories Occupied Since 1967: “Having people in with command authority or having the Prime Minister and having the President of the State issuing statements, they are so dehumanising, evoking violence, not once, not twice, continuously for months; it's supported by jurisprudence in other in other cases that this is genocidal incitement.”

10. Medium shot: journalists in the press room

11. Wide shot: speakers at the podium filmed from behind during the press conference with journalists in the press room  

12. Medium shot: journalists in the press room

Rights expert alleges ‘genocidal incitement’ being committed in Gaza

Israel's "genocidal incitement" against Palestinians in Gaza transcends the scope of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory alleged on Wednesday.

Speaking to journalists on the sidelines of the Human Rights Council, Francesca Albanese maintained that Israel had used “humanitarian camouflage” to pursue nearly six months of intense bombardment in Gaza, in response to Hamas-led terror attacks on Israeli communities that left some 1,200 dead and more than 250 taken hostage.

“Israel has justified - has explained - its military actions as proportionate, as not targeting civilians; they didn't achieve that goal, considering that 70 per cent, 70 per cent of the victims have steadily been women and children, throughout the assault on Gaza.”

Ms. Albanese’s comments came a day after she presented her report to the Human Rights Council maintain that there were “reasonable grounds to believe that the threshold indicating the commission of the crime of genocide” had been met.

At a scheduled Press conference, the Special Rapporteur insisted that the “flagrant and systematic slaughter of Palestinian civilians, the deployment of unlawful weaponry, the utter obliteration of vital civilian infrastructure, including the deliberate targeting of all Gaza’s hospitals and the man-made starvation of the Palestinian people transcend the realm of war crimes and crimes against humanity”.

Speaking in French, the independent rights expert who is not a UN staff member referenced the “Nakba”, or “catastrophe”, that Palestinians use to describe the events of 1947 when many were displaced after the founding of the State of Israel, and the 1967 war between Israel and regional neighbours.

"To be pursued, pulled apart as a people, that’s the Nakba. The Nakba is what Palestinians have lived through since 1947 and also in 1967, nobody talks about it, but the destruction of villages, the forced depopulation – that’s what they went through. It’s for this reason that I’m saying this is not exactly new (but) now it has reached a level that we can no longer ignore.”

Ms. Albanese also made reference to the use of dehumanizing rhetoric about Palestinians in Israel after the 7 October 2023 Hamas-led terror attacks: “Having people in with command authority or having the Prime Minister and having the President of the State issuing statements, they are so dehumanising, evoking violence, not once, not twice, continuously for months; it's supported by jurisprudence in other in other cases that this is genocidal incitement.”

Citing international law, Ms. Albanese previously explained that genocide is defined as a specific set of acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.

“Specifically, Israel has committed three acts of genocide with the requisite intent, causing seriously serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group, deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part, and imposing measures intended to prevent birth within the group,” she said.



good afternoon, everyone and welcome to this press conference at the
National in Geneva,
which is currently hosting the 55th regular session of the United Nations
Human Rights Council. We are very pleased to have with us Ms Francesca Albanese,
who is the special rapporteur on the situation of human rights
in the Palestinian territories, occupied since 1967.
The United Nations Human Rights Council appointed Francesc Albanese
as the holder of this mandate on April 1st
Since the start of her mandate, Ms Albani
has presented four reports, two to the UN General Assembly
and two others to the UN Human Rights Council.
She presented her latest report yesterday
to the Human Rights Council and participated
in an interactive dialogue with UN
member states and non governmental organisations.
The special rapporteur will first make opening
remarks and before taking your questions,
After five months of monitoring and analysing Israel's onslaught on Gaza,
my report finds that there are reasonable
grounds to believe that the threshold indicating
that Israel is committing the crime of genocide against the
Palestinians as a group in Gaza has been met.
Israel has committed three acts of genocide with the requisite intent.
Killing members of the group,
causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group
and deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated
to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part
the flagrant and systematic slaughter of Palestinian civilians.
The deployment of unlawful weaponry,
the utter obliteration of vital civilian infrastructure,
including the deliberate targeting of all Gaza's hospitals
and the manmade starvation of the Palestinian people,
the realm of war crimes and crimes against humanity
that had been seen
in the occupied Palestinian territory
The monstrosity unfolding is accompanied by
a pervasive anti Palestinian narrative and dehumanisation
emanating from the uppermost tyres of Israeli society,
including high ranking officials with command authority and frequently
reflected in soldiers' actions on the ground.
This reflects the intent ado
to destroy in whole or in part,
which is what distinguishes genocide from other atrocity crimes.
In the case of Gaza,
there exists a chilling clarity of this purpose,
the systematic eradication of an entire people, or at least a significant part
One of the key findings is that Israel's
executive and military leadership and soldiers have intentionally distorted
using bellow principles,
their protection functions in an attempt to
legitimise genocidal violence against the Palestinian people.
The only reasonable inference that can be drawn from the unveiling of this policy
is an Israeli state policy of genocidal
violence toward the Palestinian people in Gaza.
I will now be happy to take your questions.
Thank you, Mr
We'll first take questions from the room. Uh,
Reuters, please.
Uh, Madam Special Rapporteur. Uh, thank you.
Um, just wondering on on a personal level for you,
given how vocal you have been and how
some of your statements might not please certain people.
Uh, have you received any threats? Um,
attempts at intimidation? Um, while
um, working on this report. Thank you.
Thank you for your for your concern. I mean, it's been a difficult time. I've always
I I've been attacked since the very beginning of my mandate.
I don't say that it's a It's been a pleasant journey,
but I can tell you it's much more.
I mean,
most of the pain comes from where I have to observe and monitor and investigate
day by day.
yeah, I do receive threats nothing that so far
I have considered, uh,
needing, needing extra
And it doesn't change what either my commitment or the results of my work, I think.
Yes, Musashi
and May Ain
before we take questions from journalist online Jandi.
in England.
Yes. Good afternoon.
I'd like to ask you on the intent of the Israeli government or Israeli militaries
to commit genocide. You are saying that there is intent
and you are quoting
the president of Israel, the Prime Minister, the defence Minister and
some top militaries.
But these are only quotes
in speeches or in other circumstances.
I would like to ask you, Do you have a written document
by the government
with a clear intent
to commit
Do you think
that in Rwanda,
Bosnia Herzegovina, any government officials wrote a document saying
I want to commit genocide.
Have you seen anything like that?
I'll I'll answer this for you.
it doesn't work like that.
There is. Those statements are just the tip of the iceberg.
Because I have a word limit in
my report. which is quite strict.
Otherwise we could write an encyclopaedia with what has been
said and done, and I said it and I mean it.
If the International Criminal Court is
serious about investigating what Israel has done
in Gaza
as of the seventh of October,
only as of the seventh of October it will be busy for decades
looking at the previous genocides and jurisprudence that has been developed.
In those cases,
it is clear that the intent can be
can be direct in statements,
public statements, declarations,
with command authority or having the prime minister and having
the president of the state issuing
statements. They are so dehumanising, evoking violence
not once, not twice continuously for months.
It is supported by jurisprudence in in other cases
that this is genocidal incitement
and look what
it has been reflected.
It has reverberated across the conduct of troops on the ground.
They have used the same words.
is a clear is a programme in itself and then, as you say, as you say,
are there documents?
If you read my report, you will see that I have quoted official documents,
legal analysis that
the legal
justification that Israel uses.
There are 21 version and then an updated version with the key legal findings.
And it's exactly what I said.
It's humanitarian camouflage because they justify what they are doing.
evacuations and
human shields. Everyone is a human shield. Everyone is a human shield.
Women, Children, anything that is be
is between the troops
whatever is their objective. And, by the way,
the overall objective eradicating Hamas, destroying Hamas, which is
it's not even a real military objective,
because one thing is to neutralise, destroy the military capacity
of an organisation.
Another thing is to target also the civilian components.
And this is what has been done. Every Hamas affiliate has been considered
killable. And so their family members.
This explains the 30,000 people who have been killed.
I mean, this is a conservative figure. I'm referring to
Nina Larsson. FP.
Uh, thank you, uh, for taking my question
over here.
Um, just, uh I was wondering if you could say something about the countries that are,
uh, providing weapons, uh, and other support to Israel.
Uh, you've called for an arms embargo and sanctions, but what?
What um, responsibility.
Uh, did those countries carry for their for providing the weapons up until now?
And now that
you've called for this and and you're saying that this is a fairly clear,
uh, requirement, uh, what is their responsibility?
If they continue, if you could say something about that, thank you.
yes, I formulated that recommendation because this is a
clear ammunition of the genocide convention.
When the risk there is a risk of genocide, there are obligations that
are immediately
have to be have to be followed.
there are different things, but suspending arm arms transfers,
suspending weapons transfer is necessary in order to
reduce the level of hostilities and violence against civilians.
After the 26th of January's
interim ruling,
there was no doubt,
no doubt whatsoever, that that was the obligation pending on on all states.
And, uh,
this has not been acted upon, So I didn't.
Of course, we know who is the main
and also economic supporter of Israel. So, of course, the the
the eye and the mind immediately goes to the United States.
But there are other states,
and I intend to look further into these.
So probably my next report will be on this topic. On the issue of responsibility,
we go to journalists who are participating online, starting with Antonio Broto.
I just want to follow up. I'm sorry,
I just wanted to check.
Would you say that they could be considered complicit in the genocide
that you've seen?
This is not something that I can conclude right now, but the risk is there.
And there are already legal proceedings that
have been started in the United States,
for example, by the
Centre for Constitutional Rights.
So but I'm not in a position to conclude that as well.
OK, we'll move to journalists who are attending this press conference online,
starting with Antonio Broto
Spanish news agency. Please.
Uh, thank you very much.
Uh, I would like to ask if,
uh you think that your conclusions should accelerate the verdict
of International Court of Justice regarding genocide in in Gaza.
Uh, some say that
it could take years for them to make a decision, but do you think it it It could be, uh,
Thank you.
I do not know if this will accelerate the proceedings of the of the court. I
imagine that
my report brings to the fore an important piece of analysis,
which is what I called humanitarian camouflage,
because the tendency is to look at what Israel has done as
as isolated war crimes. And this is why I say, Well, if we
take a step back and look at the full picture and for
once we try not to miss the forest for the trees,
we get it also because it has been said.
As I said, the intent is so Obst.
I mean,
they are already planning
how to rebuild Gaza. For the settlers, it's shocking
and so probably that will provide further analytical elements.
But my objective as a special rapporteur is not necessarily to influence. The court
is to
make sure the member states
comply with international law because it's it's not an act of charity.
It is an international obligation they have and a society which
accepts to depart from
international law.
It is a society, and I talk about the international community which accepts to face
probity because this is when we leave the
use of force unchecked rule our international order.
A second question online from
Yanti Russian News Agency
it's It's on.
how do you say a certain,
and Rose
Uh, Nick
Bruce, The New York Times Before we go back to the room.
Yeah. Good morning. Thank you for for taking the question. Um,
you Your report includes a recommendation
for deploying an international protective presence.
Uh, I wondered if you could just
dig into that, explain what it is you got in mind and and say whether or not you've
engaged and had any discussions
with states on that particular issue.
Where, Where, where the thinking is going on that.
And a second question just following up on on my colleagues. You.
You say it's too soon for you to
determine whether states providing arms are complicit,
Uh, in
commission of war crimes and or potentially genocide.
Um, could you just explain a little bit? What? What? The reasoning there is.
I mean, on one hand,
we've we've got states that are providing weapons that are being used directly
in the hostilities that you say may amount to acts of genocide.
So what's what's
holding you back from identifying complicity? Thank you.
what holds me back from
referring to complicity is that I have not investigated this.
I mean, I don't throw claims out there
on things on matters that I have not investigated as simple as that,
although I say it's under our watch.
But if it's so much under our watch, why other
responsible actors do not intervene?
So I will. As I said, I will investigate this and unless
mean there are no other urgent priorities
and I apologise to the journalist before because
he asked me another piece of question.
And I hope you won't mind me answering in
in English.
But no, I've not.
I've not looked at whether genocide the crime of genocide extends to the
to the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
But again, the problem is that here there is genocide is committed against
a group in whole or in part.
And here the attack is against the Palestinian as a people where they are still
a fracture of the international orders that hits the people.
The people, uh, as such so not the people of Gaza, the people,
the Palestinian people in Gaza.
I must apologise. But I, I didn't I'm sorry. I'm also extremely sick today.
and it It's painful to be here, so I apologise.
But I will ask you to repeat the first part of the question because I missed it.
Yeah, sure.
It was the reference in your report to
the deployment of an international protective presence.
What? What did you have in mind? And and have you had any discussion with people?
What's the thinking around that? Thank you.
Yes, Yes, of course.
Those who have
followed my my work since I became a special rapporteur.
Know that,
Um I've been recommending the establishment of a
protective presence for a long time now,
and I will tell you what I mean.
But let me tell you before that anyone,
anyone I have engaged with states and un alike roll their eyes when I say that to say,
Israel will never accept it.
And at what point will we be able to draw a line
and say enough enough? You cannot decide everything
without consequences.
Clearly it doesn't work.
Condemning Israel and saying that Israel doesn't
respect international law is not enough.
So, um,
what I mean by protective presence.
It's an international
uh, meaning people who are neither Israelis nor Palestinians who are
outside of the Let's say
the conflict dynamic,
although for me is that the word conflict is is not necessarily
accurate to describe what happens. But
if we need a force that interposes
itself between the Palestinians and the Israelis,
Israeli, not Israeli citizens because there are so many,
not enough.
But so many Israelis who are engaged with the Palestinians
in the occupied Palestinian territory in the West Bank,
in east Jerusalem, with shepherds and trying to
they are a protective presence. They go.
So this is the thing that should be done,
making sure that pending the withdrawal of Israel's
military presence in the occupied Palestinian territory,
there is a shelter between
between the Palestinians and the Israelis, settlers, armed settlers and the
and the army, so that
because their physical integrity now is more at risk than than ever,
so this could take.
I mean, I was not necessarily thinking of blue helmets,
but it could also be the passive presence as
passive presence, as it was called in the nineties, that and
refugee affairs officers used to
to engage with so just people who go there and make sure that there is no harm done.
Because now the violence has
has escalated to a point that that is really unacceptable.
Thank you. We'll go back to the room with first with
Yuri Shinbo,
then the lady in the back and Al Jazeera. And
thank you very much for doing this. Um, yesterday at the council,
very few Western delegations took the floor,
and I just wondering if you have received, um
any reaction from your report, Especially those countries who support Israel?
And if that is the case, what is their reaction?
I think it's too soon to say. Personally, I'm looking at my team.
I mean, I'm I've not I've not received any anything in particular that I can signal.
I think that the absence of many Western states, some really surprised me,
speak for itself.
They decide where to sit in this, and they should be questioned about that.
But sooner or later, I mean, there will be a reaction, I suppose.
Thank you. Actually, we heard a lot about raping
Israeli womens,
This narrative Israeli narrative Did you
receive any evidences that it happened?
And from the other side, we also received many records and heard a lot of
of Palestinian delegations saying that
Israeli occupation
army raped
Palestinian women in Gaza and inside the prisons. Also,
can you confirm any of both narratives? Do you have any evidences about this?
And did any of both sides used rape
as a as a
war weapon? Thank you.
Your name and your media.
My name is Dina Abi
Saab. I'm a reporter of several Arabic media. Thank you.
Not entirely comfortable with the term narrative.
And I'm sure it's a stunning good faith. But
it's the fact that rape rape occurs in the context of hostilities or
animosity and conflict. Even at the social level, it happens.
So I was not surprised to
hear allegations and instances of rape, and
I've expressed since the very beginning Um,
the, uh my solidarity with all victims.
And it's it's clear that it takes time for women
to to elaborate to process what they have gone through.
what I what I was very disturbed by was the weaponization
of anything that has happened on the seventh of October.
Personally, I have not received
information. I've read reports that have been written.
didn't didn't find any convincing evidence.
But this doesn't mean that I believe that rape didn't occur.
This is for what happened in, uh, in in
special rapporteurs have received allegations
of rape against Palestinian women.
Not only Palestinian women, women and men,
um, in detention centres in, uh, or while deprived of their of their liberties,
because this is a a conference. Uh, um I mean, I
I'm not going to to go in detail about that, but yes, I
Yes, we received this. And we have inquired with the Israeli authorities.
We have also denounced it publicly because it was
of serious concern among other crimes being committed against the Palestinians.
And, yeah,
we shall see
Al Jazeera,
Mrs. Albanese,
how do you answer some countries like the United States
who are more or less sceptical towards your report?
And some American officials said that there is no evidence that
genocide has been committed in Gaza.
Thank you.
Let's agree that we disagree.
I do. I do believe that the that the evidence is
it is significant. It's Cogan.
As I said in the report, and
also, I mean I.
I don't find this statement particularly
surprising considering where it comes from.
So it's like, um
I mean, no, Let me Let me not make a
reference to metaphors today because I'm not in a great shape. So But
frankly, they are not
an an impartial, an impartial voice in this respect. So
join the request.
Hi, this is for my other outlet, the Lancet.
I was wondering, uh, Special Rapporteur,
Um, can you elaborate a little bit more
on the humanitarian camouflage
uh, other case studies from
violations in the field in recent years where similar
policies have been enacted by armed groups or,
uh, governments or military? And secondly,
how much were you inspired in your research
by General Maxwell Taylor and the
Nuremberg Tribunals? Thank you
by a humanitarian camouflage. I mean, the use, the misuse, the distortion
of international humanitarian law,
principles of
proportionality, distinction
precautions have been invoked.
Israel has justified, as explained it,
its military actions as
as not targeting civilians.
They didn't
achieve their goal,
considering that 70% 70% of the victims have steadily been women and Children
throughout the assault on Gaza.
And, um,
and so the
there has been so
there has been a an an an abuse of these
of these categories and in the report I made reference to
human shields, medical shielding,
evacuation orders and safe zones
and collateral damage.
I won't have the time now to elaborate on each and every one of them,
but just to pick one
human shields. The use of human shields is prohibited under international law,
so it occurs when military action takes place behind civilians
so as
so as to use them as a shield.
of course, it is prohibited.
The point is that Israel has used the concept
of the allegation of Palestinian Palestinian armed groups,
groups using human shields
since the very beginning of its military campaigns against Gaza in 2008, 2009,
2012, 2014,
24,012, 2014, 2021 2022 and including, including
during the Great March of return.
So and this has been this has been these
allegations have proven false to a certain point.
Even Israel. In certain instances, Israel had to
had to retract those allegations, and this is documented in the report
so I
I am saying that this is not new.
It has been used at an unprecedented level this time because
again everything has been justified and it's very overwhelming.
It's overwhelming in the Israeli explanations and documents that
Hamas uses human shields. And so instead of doing what
requires so
providing evidence that in each attack
that were not avoidable because it was Hamas using human shields
the the the the real. The very configuration of uh of Gaza's population has been
has been considered
human shielding, but also and this is the last element I wanted to bring to this
how military targets, because this is what happens to the people,
how military targets
have been considered. So, first of all,
there is a pattern that allows to say that
not just combatants have been targeted.
And in order to be a legitimate target, you need to be an active combatant,
a soldier and I say that in general,
including an Israeli soldier who is not an active combat,
cannot be targeted because he is a civilian at that point.
And this
this is so it's a crime to target to target anyone who is not an inactive combat
But also the physical targets have been identified through an A I system on,
uh, using criteria that have led to target an entire building, for example,
based on the presumption that an Hamas affiliate had been there.
And and this is so there was no military purpose
to to target the entire building.
And, of course, and there is an overwhelming evidence of how
Sorry, um,
medical premises have been have been destroyed on
this basis on using false allegations that have been
proven wrong. And still
this has not spared any any facility from the military attack.
thank you. Another question online from Christian
Ulrich de
German news agency.
Uh, mercy
re, Madam Alvan
you are being criticised and vilified so much,
including for your outspokenness and your media presence.
Does being so outspoken not make it more difficult for you to fulfil your mandate?
Uh, have you ever considered being less vocal,
or is it conceivable that the criticism might force you to consider stepping down?
Thank you.
No way. It will never happen, I can tell you.
I mean, it's making me sick a little bit I, I can say, But it's again.
It's not the criticism.
Frankly, it doesn't change my work. Does it?
Do? Do you? Do you see any? Any effect on it? Frankly, media people in the room? No.
Because on the contrary,
can I use a non new
term word? No,
no. It just infuriates me. It pisses me off. Of course it does.
But it then it creates even more pressure
not to not to not to step back
because, you know, human rights work is first and foremost
amplifying the voice of people who are not heard.
And the Palestinians are not unique. In this sense, this is the fate of
the non
non Western people.
So I find so insulting to dismiss what the Palestinians are going through,
as many including your colleagues in the West are doing.
Now it starts to change. It took
the life of 30,000 people for some media
for some journalists to realise what's happening and to stop asking.
Do you condemn them?
Of course! One condemned Hamas how not to condemn Hamas.
But at the same time, nothing justifies what Israel is doing. So
yeah, I I need to say that and I will continue to say that And I I mean,
I might decide at some point to step out simply because I
also have a private life that I would like to enjoy.
But no, it won't be because they
they vilify or they they mistreat me in the
in the public discourse.
Thank you. A question from Jamie Kitten from a P or American in Paris.
Hello? Uh, madam, um
Uh, I. I really just wanted you. You made a ref.
Uh, a response to Jeremy, uh, in French. And I just wanted to see if you could,
say a little bit more about what you hope to achieve by the issuance of this report.
Thank you.
What I wrote in the recommendations arms embargoes
and sanctions because there is no other way.
Of course,
what I want to see is the end of the hostilities
and peace in that land for the Palestinians and the Israelis.
Because when it happens, it will be
wonderful place. But it's really far. And
because Israel is not going to change its pattern on its own,
and you
won't stop by inertia
uh, I.
I urged Member states to take measures,
and it's necessary. So what I want to see
is sanctions and arms embargo as soon as possible,
as it has been done with other states which violate an international,
the position
We have a follow up question from Jamie. Uh, online. Jamie, please. Go ahead.
Thanks, Pascal. Um, I MA
I wanted to just, um,
uh, refer back to you.
Um uh, the response from the, uh, Israeli, uh, diplomatic mission here in Geneva.
in their statement on Monday after the release of your report,
um, they they said that you were behind a quote campaign of deli
the very creation and existence of the state of Israel.
And they said that, uh,
they accused you of excusing and legitimising the attacks of October 7th, uh,
and dismissing their
Semitic nature.
among other things.
But I just wanted to know if you could respond to those allegations. Please.
Thank you.
Uh, no, I'm not.
I'm not behind nor in front of any campaign to delegitimize the state of Israel.
But if you want to,
we want to use this expression. I'm part of
movement which wants the end of the apartheid,
which ones that Israel behaves and lives in accordance with
international law. Is it that
that such an affront
to expect the Israel member of the United Nations,
whose existence I have never questioned,
like it should, as a member of the United Nations that respects international law?
Because this is the point I don't question for the records now and for the future?
I do not question
the existence of the state of Israel,
I says.
I say today
that Israel cannot
as it does as an apartheid state
and face no consequences.
And the second thing is that
there is amnesia, amnesia,
that the state of Israel around the birth of the state of Israel
because it was the outcome,
not just of one tragedy,
but it is connected to two tragedies and one is very well known and absorbed,
which is the tragedy, the horror of the Holocaust,
the other what what it meant
for the native people of of Palestine, the creation of the state of Israel.
This possession force displacement. And this is history.
This is history. Even Israeli historians have written that. Benny Morris
first and foremost
so, No, I mean again,
I'm accused because I am someone who doesn't suffer from historical amnesia.
That's it.
Anti Semitism, everyone who dares uttering a word of criticism
against Israel
as accused of anti Semitism. I've said it from the very beginning of my mandate.
This is so dangerous. This is so dangerous, first and foremost
for Jewish communities wherever they are,
because I do understand why every Jew,
I mean there are many Jews who are critical of Israel.
But there are many who feel such love and such deep connection with Israel,
which is fine.
It's OK. This is not up to us to judge. Those who are judged are member states,
but at the same time using
every kind of argument that is made again against Israeli practises of apartheid.
right now, in in my view,
the genocidal practises that Israel is displaying is accused.
Accusing everyone of anti Semitism is again is also
reveals bad faith
that what I what has created what has been scandalous and
shocking to many, which led Israel to finally official. Its policy of
special rapporteurs
in my case is that
no, I don I don't find
any evidence that what was caused
the crimes that were committed against Israelis
on the seventh of October were prompted,
propelled by anti Semitism, which doesn't mean.
And I issued
statement on that, which doesn't mean
that there are no
there is no anti Semitic
sentiment in any of those who participated in the attack.
I cannot know.
saying that the seventh of October was caused by
anti Semitism
makes two things. On the one hand.
As also, Jewish scholars themselves have said,
take out of the context completely Israel's responsibilities
in creating the conditions that have led to the violence
that animated those who
sorry, the violence that was committed against
Israeli civilians on October 7th
and the second it
maintains this.
It feeds this discourse
that Israel is facing an existential threat
because the Palestinians are anti Semitic and therefore
each means is justified.
This is absolutely outrageous and this is what's happening,
and I was so disappointed to see that this is not only an argument made by Israel.
This is amplified by western media
and Western politicians, So yeah, and sometimes I'm not particularly strategic in
how I, um
I pick my fights, but I'm I'm happy. I'm happy. I did what I did, saying I'm sorry.
This is not anti Semitism, and I face the consequences, and I'm still alive.
has a tight schedule. Uh,
we have time for one last question.
If there's any.
If not if you do. You have any concluding remarks?
I just Thank you.
No concluding remarks.
Thank you, Madam. Special Rapporteur.
And thank you to all of you for attending this press conference
and for your interest in the work of the special rapporteur.
Thank you.