UN Geneva - Multimedia Newsroom : HRC - Press conference: Fact-Finding Mission on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela

OK, good afternoon everyone, and thank you for joining us today.

Welcome to this press conference with the Independent International Fact Finding Mission on Venezuela.

As you know, the Fact Finding Mission was established in 2019 by the Human Rights Council with a mandate to investigate alleged violations of human rights committed in Venezuela since 2014.

The Mission published its latest report to the Council on Wednesday along with two research papers, one released till Wednesday, the other which published today.

If you do not have that, please contact me directly.

I will I will share it with you.

It's on the website with us today are to answer your questions are to my to the in the middle of the panel or is the chair of the mission misses Miss Sophia Mahar Mahar to my right, Miss Maria Cantero, and on the far side is Mr Alex Neve.

Now the experts will read opening statements in English and Spanish and then we'll open the floor to your questions.

[Other language spoken]

Forces at that time has provoked considerable political change in Venezuela, change which clearly has had substantial impact and consequences regarding the key international human rights concerns that are at the heart of the missions mandate.

Change that has not, as Sophia has noted yet led to concrete meaningful indications that the country's long standing human rights crisis has come to an end.

Throughout that 12 month period, we have continued our extensive investigations to document and assess gross violations of international human rights in the country with a particular focus on arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, arbitrary deprivation of life, torture and other I'll treatment, conditions of detention, and sexual and gender based violence.

With respect to the period of time before January 3rd, those violations continued in a manner and at a level entirely consistent with patterns documented by the Mission and its many reports going back to 2020.

The scale and nature of political repression remained largely unchanged over the course of those initial four months.

We continue to be concerned that likely included crimes against humanity.

Political developments since January 3rd have brought a decline in long term politically motivated detentions and also in the number of enforced disappearances.

Despite the significant release of prisoners over the past eight months, however, hundreds of individuals continue to be arbitrarily detained in Venezuela, enduring harsh conditions in facilities where torture and I'll treatment remain endemic.

After January the 3rd, we observed a shift in patterns of detention.

We have identified the use of short term arbitrary detention and measures of intimidation against those perceived as opposing the government, including those who have been subjected previously to long term detention.

The detentions are often marked by periods of incommunicado detention and violations of important due process guarantees.

These carry particular resonance given the context of widespread abuses over the past decade, A potent reminder to political and human rights activists that their activities are monitored and that the repressive apparatus remains in place, prepared to limit freedoms if and how the authorities may decide to do so.

We certainly welcome that a substantial number of prisoners who were detained before January the 3rd have now been released.

The names of those released have not been made public and in the absence of transparent and verifiable data, the numbers of prisoners released remain uncertain and contested.

Between 800 and 1000 prisoners have been released between September 2025 and August 2026.

The Mission is deeply concerned, however, that a substantial number of prisoners, between 325 and 450 individuals, remain arbitrarily detained, an ongoing and very serious human rights violation.

While the scale has diminished, the Mission has also continued to document cases of enforced disappearance and of deaths of prisoners in custody after January the 3rd.

Very significantly, the Mission is deeply concerned about the ongoing prevalence of torture in a number of detention centres in Venezuela.

We are particularly concerned about what we have documented at the maximum security prisons, El Rodeo 1 and Fuerte Guay Caputo, where the largest number of individuals detained for political reasons are held.

Our investigations, including extensive interviews with released prisoners, have allowed us to deepen the evidence of the frequency of torture and the particularly harsh nature of many of the methods used, including methods that we have not previously documented, notably the use of forced intubation and catheterization.

A use of a technique known as The Time Machine, in which detainees are held in a sealed underground cistern, forced to remain naked and in complete darkness for periods ranging from a few days to three months.

And another method known as the Firefly, in which prisoners were held in cells reportedly infested with rats and insects for several days under conditions of constant artificial light torture, is clearly frequently used as a means of punishing prisoners.

The most common methods include punching and beatings with metallic objects, electric shocks including to the genitals, suffocation with plastic bags, suspension by the hands and feet for prolonged periods of time, and lengthy confinement in isolation, often while prisoners are naked and exposed to low temperatures.

These methods have continued well into 2026 and were inflicted, amongst others, on prisoners who protested detention conditions after the June earthquakes.

Our key observation with respect to human rights in Venezuela since January the 3rd is that violations continue even if the harshness and intensity of repression has lessened in the country.

As noted by Sophia, we are deeply concerned that the entirety of Venezuela's repressive apparatus marked by an extensive legal framework enabled by notorious police, security, intelligence and judicial bodies, agencies and institutions, and presided over by politicians, security and military officials whose responsibility for gross human rights violations, including in many instances likely crimes against humanity, has been extensively documented in past reports from the mission.

That all remains entirely intact, with no indication at this time of an intention to advance the reforms needed to dismantle that reality and institute strong legal and institutional human rights protections in the country.

That is not only something of potential concern pointing to a worry of possible reactivation, it is an ongoing and current reality as well.

Violations are occurring, and absent real change, there is every reason to believe that will continue and could, as has often been the case in the past, worsen.

[Other language spoken]

And now my colleague Maria Luisa Quintero.

[Other language spoken]

OK, thank you everyone for those opening statements.

Now we'll open the floor to two questions.

We can start with those in the room.

If you have any questions, please just identify yourself in the media outlet that you're working for and then please go ahead.

[Other language spoken]

I'm going to post 3 questions in Spanish and English alternatively so that you can go all have a chance to answer.

[Other language spoken]

The government claims to have released around 1500 people, while independent sources say they only have been able to verify around 1000 persons.

Furthermore, between 379 and 500 people you just talked about it recently are reported to remain detained for political reasons, and the portion of those released continues to face criminal proceedings and restrictive measures.

Can we truly talk about liberalisation as long as there are there's no verifiable list and in the cases that have been not closed that the conditions allow for a rearrest to persist?

What should be understood at the state level by full freedom?

My third question is regarding the military structure.

The report notes that although there were changes in the military high command, high command and in some institutions, the the structures that made the repression possible essentially remain intact.

Has the mission identify a real modification?

Can you elaborate on, on on this?

You already expressed that you haven't really seen any, but can you really?

Can you elaborate on the modification of the chains of command, the control mechanisms and responsibilities of the armed forces and and the way that they are preserving the the repressive capacity?

Thank you very much.

[Other language spoken]

With your respect to your second question of what does full freedom look like, I mean, I think that's a profound and very important and really at this time is, is the central question that Venezuelans deserve an answer to.

And you, you posed it in particular in connection with the plight of political prisoners and the releases we have seen and that's where it starts.

While it is of course very welcome that had that there have been a substantial number of prisoners released and that that is good for two reasons, obviously, that is that is good for the prisoners and their families, many of whom have agonised as those detentions have gone on for a prolonged period of time.

It is also a positive contribution to potentially an improving human rights situation.

However, the fact that we still have not just a handful or a few dozen, but hundreds of prisoners who remain detained for politically motivated reasons, many of them held in harsh prison conditions in detention centres where torture is endemic and widespread, is not just of passing concern.

That's a central priority preoccupation certainly for the mission and should be for the international community.

So full freedom begins with full release.

That can happen tomorrow.

We saw in the early days after January the 3rd how quickly prisoner releases were were happening and that was before any amnesty law was promulgated.

It simply took the government deciding you will be freed.

That could happen tomorrow, and we need to see that happen, but we also need to see changes that are going to make sure that political arbitrary detention does not continue to be an ongoing phenomenon in Venezuela.

Our past reports have documented numerous ways in which we need to see reforms.

Reforms to how prisons are managed, prison registries, clarity around numbers, the curtailment of incommunicado detention, the reform of laws which allow for arbitrary arrest, measures to deal with the security forces that that have had complete impunity to carry out these kinds of arrests as well.

So I think we need to see both dimensions.

We need to see freedom for those who are locked up right now, but we need to see the reform agenda that is going to ensure that this does not continue to be a concern.

Should I answer the second one or the if you wish, did you want that answer to the third one in English or in Spanish or does it matter?

[Other language spoken]

All right, now we'll take the next question.

[Other language spoken]

So excuse me, but I'll respond to you in English.

But yes, I mean our report does identify a number of names.

We we identify 12 individuals who are who are current office holders at senior levels, who have been previously named in numerous reports in past years, often in extensive detail when we have documented human rights violations and international crimes, crimes against humanity.

We also refer to six other individuals who are linked to institutions that are involved in repression who also remain in public office.

We want to be clear that we are not, we are not a court.

We are not convicting any of these 18 individuals.

We are not formally criminally charging them.

We are not a prosecutorial service.

We have believed from extensive research in the past that there are reasonable grounds to believe that.

And that's the standard we used that there's that there's concerns here which support the need for further investigation.

So really what we are doing by drawing attention again to the fact this is not the first time that we have put any of those names in the in the public domain.

That has happened repeatedly in past reports, but we are drawing renewed attention to the fact that we have previously shone the light on those individuals, their actions, their role, the institutions which they've been associated with and have said this is something that needs scrutiny.

This is something which ideally should should be taken up through a legitimate criminal investigation, prosecution and charge and trial process if warranted.

We're renewing that at this point.

But we're also highlighting the concern that it should be of very preoccupying that that individuals who have been highlighted in that way in the past at this moment of such significance for Venezuela around the potential for human rights change.

That these are the individuals who remain in the key senior positions that have authority in the areas that are relevant to security and safety and freedom and human rights is not OK.

And it's one of the key reasons why we believe that the repressive apparatus remains largely as it has been.

[Other language spoken]

It's just a a follow up question and I would like your your reply to be in English.

Is there any cooperation on the side of the interim authorities?

I mean, have you had any contact with the regime?

Have you been able to speak to them?

They have they offered any different perspective to your findings?

Is there any willingness on their side or should I say any communication on their side with the fact finding mission?

[Other language spoken]

Well, you likely know that the, the, the long standing previous answer to that question is no, that we have over the years repeatedly sought meetings with engagement with Venezuelan authorities, that we are both willing to do that outside of the country here at the United Nations, for instance, certainly inside the country.

We have repeatedly asked to have access to the country so that we can come to Venezuela, advance our human rights investigations on the ground, but also have meaningful dialogue with authorities, you know, in place in the country.

And that has always been rebuffed.

We wondered, we hoped and maybe even partially anticipated and expected that the aftermath of January the 3rd might change the dynamics around that.

So we have renewed our outreach to the Venezuelan authorities.

We have, we have sent 2 formal requests since January the 3rd repeating our request to have access to the country.

We have sought to have meetings when we're, when we're here in Geneva at the United Nations.

And unfortunately it remains the same.

I, I wouldn't say that we've been refused access to the country.

We've not been granted access.

[Other language spoken]

And, and we think that's unfortunate for two reasons.

Firstly, obviously having access to the country would be, would be an advantage in our human rights work.

We're able to do incredible and extensive work from outside the country, but there is obviously an element that that you can't replicate by being on the ground, by meeting in person with individuals, by being able to go into the prisons and see and talk with with prisoners in that context.

So obviously important in terms of of deepening and strengthening the human rights work, but also at a time when the international community is asking itself, are we seeing change in Venezuela?

To grant access to our fact finding mission would be 1 aspect that goes in the maybe column.

Because if the authorities were willing to demonstrate that they're prepared to allow a body that has been an outspoken critic of the country's human rights record and has done so very publicly for a number of years and is now prepared to engage with us to allow us to do our work on the ground, that obviously would be a positive sign.

But it is not the sign that we're seeing at this point.

[Other language spoken]

Is possibly acceded anosotros is possibly in aura.

[Other language spoken]

Are there any more from the room that anybody would like to pose?

[Other language spoken]

If not, that will bring us to the end of this press conference.

And thank you very much for joining us.

[Other language spoken]