The United Nations Office at Geneva
Multimedia Newsroom
OHCHR Press Conference: The situation in occupied Palestinian territory - 12 March 2025
/
58:14
/
MP4
/
3.4 GB
Press Conferences | OHCHR
OHCHR Press Conference: The situation in occupied Palestinian territory - 12 March 2025
The situation in occupied Palestinian territory
Speakers:
- Ben Saul, Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism (in person)
- Francesca Albanese, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 (online)
- Michael Fakhri, Special Rapporteur on the right to food (in person)
- Meg Satterthwaite, Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers (online)
Teleprompter
[Other language spoken]
Everyone and thank you for.
[Other language spoken]
Us at this press briefing.
On this situation in the occupied Palestinian territory by special procedures mandate.
Holders, we'll have 4 special rapporteurs.
Briefing you today, so let me quickly introduce them so we can get.
Started.
On the podium today.
We have the special rapporteur.
On counterterrorism and human rights, Ben Saul and the Special.
Rapporteur on the right to food, Michael Fakhri, and joining us online today will be.
Francesca Albanese, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian.
Territories and we also have with us a special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, Margaret Satterthwaite.
Each of the speakers.
Will have brief opening remarks after which they will take your questions.
We'll begin with.
[Other language spoken]
Special rapporteur, you have the floor good.
Afternoon everyone, and I wish to.
[Other language spoken]
This opportunity, this is the.
3rd press conference that we hold.
Within UN premises.
On the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory and the the threats continue to rise, both for the.
[Other language spoken]
I would say by extension.
For the Israelis, for other peoples in the region and for the multilateral order.
That we are all part of.
So there are two elements on which I would like to concentrate to focus on for these brief.
Opening remarks and one is the.
Situation in the Occupied Palestinian.
Territory and then.
How the the dismemberment of the multilateral order and.
Through the violations of basic tenets of international law is going to impact all of us and feel like it.
[Other language spoken]
While repeating over and over the same warnings, so the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory continues.
To be tragic genocide.
Being a process, not an act, it's something.
That cannot be contained unless.
Especially when it's it's been inflicted through violent and destructive acts like the ones unleashed against the entire population trapped in in Gaza it.
Cannot be undone unless.
It's it's significantly remedied and.
This is not the case yet.
So the genocide.
In the the effects of the genocide in the Gaza Strip for the over 2,000,000 Palestinians trapped there will continue to be failed.
To because of the.
Of the extreme destruction, the environmental crisis that has been created, the destruction of livelihood and I'm.
[Other language spoken]
That my colleague Michael Factory will.
Speak to this because he has been.
Brilliant in exposing.
How the destruction of food.
Sovereignty speaks to genocidal practises being part of a process and not act in and of themselves, but if.
Even if no one.
Intervenes today if no more bombs dropped, you know.
If no more bullets are.
Shot against the people in Gaza.
The genocide will continue because there are no.
Ways to?
To remedy the destruction.
That the seeds of the various forms of destruction that have been planted in Gaza.
Let's not forget genocide can be identified in two main elements.
One is determination to destroy.
A group as such and 2nd it must be understood through The Who the victims.
[Other language spoken]
Of of we are talking of the.
[Other language spoken]
Identified as such, the Palestinians identified as such, and this leads me to speak of the other.
Part of this genocide.
Already in October 2024, I warned the.
International community in New York that the the genocide of violence was leaking out in.
The West Bank and the violence is now.
As acute as ever.
Because the elements that identify the five.
Six months ago, the destruction of health, infrastructure and other.
Civilian infrastructure together with livelihood and food.
Sovereignty, the arbitrary.
Mass killing of Palestinians in the West Bank and.
The infliction of severe body mental.
Harm through the.
Mass arbitrary detention of.
Palestinians, including children and the and the the and the and the brutalisation of the Palestinians in Israeli.
[Other language spoken]
Including through systematic torture, including **** that in some cases, like in the case of.
[Other language spoken]
Albush have led to to death.
This is something that has.
Only increased in brutality.
[Other language spoken]
Denouncing as the the pursuit.
Of the policy of realising.
Greater Israel is leading to 4th displacement of the Palestinians from the Gaza.
Strip from the West.
[Other language spoken]
And again, while technical cleansing is not a crime per SE, it consists, and it's been recognised as such.
It might.
[Other language spoken]
Other crimes like crimes against humanity.
And genocide, So Israel is.
Destroying the Palestinian people in the purse set of ethnic cleansing of what remains of Palestine.
Last comment concerns the international legal.
Order already one year ago.
I I denounced that the Israeli.
Humanitarian camouflage the fact.
That Israel was not.
Denying the.
Violence that you had unleashed against the Palestinians, it does not deny the and the levelling of civilian infrastructure, the killing of of Palestinians, it had justified it and.
As supported by military necessity.
Those.
Who die are either collateral damage or military targets.
Or human Shields and I I said this is going to lead to a new script to conduct a.
[Other language spoken]
To face a war, a world without civilians, and not even six months later.
Israel had implemented that script in Lebanon, and now it's being.
Exported to other places, so again I.
[Other language spoken]
Warnings international community will receive will need to receive, but the point is that we have already entered a war, a world.
Where What has protected us until?
Now, although we have to recognise that the.
Multilateral order has not served everyone.
Equally, it's crumbling and we will miss it very much when it's no longer there.
We will miss human rights very much where they.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Thank you special.
[Other language spoken]
Speaker will be Professor Ben Sol, the Special Rapporteur, Counterterrorism and human Rights.
[Other language spoken]
Good afternoon everybody, Thanks for coming.
Firstly, let me acknowledge the leadership of my colleague, the Special Rapporteur on the situation in the the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
She has been subject to a campaign of smearing and intimidation for at least the last 18 months, and I call on all States to defend the special procedures system from these kinds of outrageous attacks.
The Special Rapporteur on the right to food has also been subject to this kind of intimidation, and all states need to speak out when when that kind of conduct happens.
[Other language spoken]
Number one, I firstly denounce the US President's proposal to take over, depopulate and colonise Gaza.
It would shatter the most fundamental rules of international order and the United Nations Charter since 1945.
It's manifestly illegal to invade and annex foreign territory by force, to forcibly deport its population and to deprive the Palestinian people of their right to self determination.
Any plan for the day after must be based on the popular will of the Palestinian people, including under any Arab proposal.
The abysmal political failure to address the root causes of violence in Palestine as required by the UN global counterterrorism strategy or to challenge impunity prevailing there, has condemned the whole region to an endless cycle of suffering and vengeance.
There can never be a sustainable peace without justice according to international law, including self determination, return of Palestinian land, all of it evacuation of illegal settlements, compensation for violations and return of refugees.
The apocalyptic violence in Palestine also signals to other states that there are no consequences for decimating whole civilian societies, returning us to the scorched earth tactics of the colonial counterterrorism counter insurgency era.
Second point, I deplore the resumption of apparently unconditional arms transfers by the United States to Israel.
Recently, the US approved the transfer of more than $7.4 billion worth of arms and munitions and rescinded the Biden administration's 2024 national security memo that required assurances that US weapons would not be used to violate humanitarian law.
Now, that memorandum was itself ineffective in practise, but loosening constraints further will enable more violations.
Throughout this conflict, I and other mandate holders have repeatedly called on the United States and Germany in particular, as the major arms exporters, to halt transfers to Israel due to the clear risk of violations of humanitarian law, in breach of obligations to ensure respect for the Geneva Conventions, prevent crimes under the Genocide Convention, and, in the case of Germany and others, to comply with their obligations under the Arms Trade Treaty.
Third Point, I condemn 2 recent Israeli laws that impede the work of the United Nations Relief Works Agency in Palestine.
UNRWA is indispensable, as the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Secretary General have said, not only in providing and coordinating humanitarian relief at a time of acute disaster in Gaza, but also in delivering essential services for civilians in ordinary times across the Palestinian territories.
Israel's move violates its obligations to facilitate humanitarian relief and maintain law and order as the occupying power, its duty to cooperate with Unrwa's mandate under the United Nations Charter, and the privileges and immunities of the United Nations as an international organisation.
It also undermines the stability of the of the ceasefire and prospects for peace and sets a terrible precedent for unilateral disengagement from United Nations operations.
Last point, I condemn Israel's continuing illegal military provocations in the wider region, most recently including further occupation of Syrian territory in the Golan Heights and strikes to unilaterally and preventively disarm the Syrian military on the pretext of countering terrorism at some distant point in future.
These are additional to illegal aggressions and threats of force in Lebanon and Iran over the last year.
Such acts destabilise the whole region, including a peaceful transition of power in Syria.
The world's active and passive enabling of lawlessness and impunity in Gaza and Palestine has contagiously emboldened Israel to do the same elsewhere.
I urge all countries to stand united against coercion by global or regional powers that seeks to break the international legal system.
The world must never accept a lawless world dominated by brute force that endangers all of us.
[Other language spoken]
Thank you for that, Professor.
Saul and we'll go back to the speakers.
[Other language spoken]
With the special rapporteur.
On the independence.
Of judges and lawyers, Margaret Satwith, Miss Satwith, you have the flow.
Thank you very much.
[Other language spoken]
I would also like to recognise the crucial work of my colleagues and especially the Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territory and the Special Rapporteur on the right to food, both of whom have been mercilessly smeared and attacked for undertaking their important work to protect human rights.
And this is not only an introductory remark, it's an example of what I'm going to focus on today.
There's been a turn to attack and punish the very mechanisms set up to protect against grave human rights violations.
What we're seeing is a broad attack on the laws, institutions and mechanisms, as well as the personnel that make up the international rule of law.
At the time when these laws and mechanisms are needed most, they're being dismantled and attacked.
I want to be clear, the institutions have come through in our time of need.
The ICC has issued arrest warrants not only for the leaders of Hamas, but also.
For Israeli leaders, the ICJ.
Has issued provisional measures ordering Israel to cease all actions that pose a risk or constitute acts of genocide the ICJ has made.
Clear that Israel's.
Occupation of Palestinian territory is unlawful and must.
Be brought to a prompt.
End These actions were reasoned, deliberate and based on clear law that the international community of states has developed.
And applied.
Over many decades they were implemented.
By judges, prosecutors and lawyers.
Acting with careful deliberation, they were not taken in haste, but instead were acts of duty and commitment.
[Other language spoken]
These are the.
Words of the late Benjamin Ferns, A prosecutor at the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal.
That was the dream of those who created the UN, the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.
But now we see, tragically, an effort to punish, block and deny the strength and righteousness of this system on February.
[Other language spoken]
President Trump of the United States signed an executive order which states that quote.
Any effort.
By the ICC to investigate, arrest, detain or prosecute protected persons constitutes an unusual and extraordinary ****** to the national security and foreign policy of the United States.
He then declared a national emergency to address this so-called ******.
The Order opposes and expects our allies to.
[Other language spoken]
All actions by the ICC against the United States, Israel, or any other ally of the United States that quote has not consented to ICC jurisdiction on.
February 13th.
[Other language spoken]
Harim Khan the.
Court's chief prosecutor.
Was added to the US list of specially Designated nationals and blocked persons.
Those on this list are barred from doing business with Americans and face restrictions on entry to the US This list is normally reserved for those who have committed acts of.
Terrorism or grave human rights crimes?
The.
US has placed the prosecutor.
Responsible for bringing cases against those who commit such crimes on the list alongside them.
At this time, only Mr.
Khan has been specifically sanctioned.
However, the executive order hangs.
Like a Sword of Damocles over anyone engaging with the court in relation to the situation on Palestine.
Palestine, then, it authorises.
The.
US Secretary of State to sanction anyone.
That.
Secretary determines to quote have directly engaged in any effort by the ICC to investigate, arrest, detain or prosecute a.
[Other language spoken]
Unquote or to have materially assisted, sponsored or provided material, financial or technological support.
Of.
[Other language spoken]
In addition, the executive order imposes a blanket visa ban on any non.
US individuals from the.
Secretary of State fines.
Are employed by or.
Acting as agents of the ICC, This is the stunningly broad visa ban it appears to apply to any ICC staff.
[Other language spoken]
Agent who's not AUS person potentially up to 900.
Persons, plus people who specifically might have.
US children or other US relatives.
These ICC sanctions sit inside a broad framework for enforcement.
US criminal and civil penalties can be placed on person on US persons and others who interact with sanctioned people in ways that have even a fleeting connection to the United States.
This means that human rights defenders, investigators and even legal advisors, potentially anyone who supports the prosecutors important work.
Could be exposed to criminal or civil penalties.
This would appear to include those working on cases not only involving the situation in Palestine.
But also those focused on.
Ukraine or Darfur, where the US has supported those investigations.
The consequences of these sanctions ripple far beyond the.
Prosecutor and even the court.
Itself, they strike an attack and a strike on the global.
Rule of law.
They strike at the very heart of International Criminal justice system.
The jurisdiction of the ICC has been litigated and settled by rulings of the ICC and is not being exercised contrary to international law.
It is being carefully applied in a situation where grave human rights crimes are occurring with this order.
The US has.
Empowered war criminals by seeking to punish the ICC, denying justice and reparation to victims around the world.
These sanctions.
Make a mockery of the decades long quest to.
Place law above force and atrocity.
Justice must equally apply to all without exception.
Upholding international law cannot.
Be a selective.
[Other language spoken]
It is a shared responsibility that strengthens rather than threatens global security.
Now, since the sanctions were imposed, many member states of the ICC have condemned these steps by the United States 79 countries.
[Other language spoken]
That warn sanctions would increase the risk of impunity for the most serious crimes.
Other states have emphasised that they will.
Continue to work.
With and to support the ICC, making clear the essential role.
Played by the.
Court and ending impunity now as the special rapporteur on the independence of.
Judges and lawyers.
I want to state unequivocally.
That the legal.
Professionals at the ICC who work tirelessly to drive accountability and justice across the globe must not be targeted for this important work.
Our efforts to uphold international law rely on the work of ICC prosecutors, judges, investigators and all of the support staff at the court, imposing sanctions on court personnel for carrying out their.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Flagrant violation of human rights and undermines the principles of judicial independence and the rule of law.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
That the US sanctions against the ICC.
Would appear to amount to.
Offences against the administration of justice under Article 70 of the Rome Statute.
Article 70 punishes efforts to impede or intimidate an official of the court or to retaliate against an official of the court on account of duties performed by that official.
It is crucial that we call these actions.
Out for what they are.
And that states stand together to oppose this attack on the international.
Rule of law.
Thank you very much.
[Other language spoken]
And we will now hear from Mr Michael.
Fakhri, Special rapporteur on the right to food.
You have the.
[Other language spoken]
Thank you everyone and many ways.
I'm going to echo much of what my colleagues have said, but I will focus on the the humanitarian issue, drawing not just from my own work but the work of my colleagues, the special rapporteurs on housing, the special rapporteur on health and water, amongst others.
We're at the stage where we're not asking anymore what's happening.
It's very clear Israel announces what it's doing with impunity.
It is using Palestinian civil civilian lives as leverage.
We're in a moment now where Israel is yet again denying humanitarian aid in Gaza.
We're at a moment where violence is escalating across the Palestinian territory.
So that means Gaza, E Jerusalem and especially the West Bank.
We're at the stage where we're not arguing what is this?
This is genocide.
This is crime against humanity.
These are war crimes because Israel tells us that's what they want to do.
Israel has been using civilian lives as leverage throughout the last several months, over a year.
The other thing I want to point out, and to echo what others have said, is the importance of UNERWA.
UNERWA is indispensable, and UNERWA is still active.
They are still doing their job despite the pressure that they're under, despite the Israeli legislation trying to block their work, despite the threats to their funding.
UNARWA is providing essential social services, health, even education under impossible circumstances.
But also UNARWA is ensuring and recording and tracking and protecting Palestinian human rights.
UNARWA cannot be replaced.
Every UN humanitarian agency has said as as such, as has the secretary General.
So what I want to focus?
More on is.
What is to be done and what is at stake?
How is Israel able to starve 2.3 million people so quickly and so completely?
This is the fastest starvation campaign in modern history.
Israel announced its intent to starve Israeli Palestinians on October 9th, 2023 and continues to do so.
What we see is Israel just speeds up or slows down its violence.
This is not a ceasefire by any definition.
This is a slowing down of military violence, but a continue on unfolding of death through starvation.
We're also seeing a moment where after 58 years of illegal occupation, Israel is now announcing and trying to implement an annexation plan.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stood up before the UN General Assembly in September 2023, announcing and showing the annexation plan by Israel.
He held a map before the General Assembly and it was a map of so-called Israel, and I say so-called because it had erased all Palestinian territory.
[Other language spoken]
And that's what we're seeing now and that's what the International Court of Justice recognised in its advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the illegal occupation since 1967.
This is where we're at.
Israel announces its attempts to ethnically ethnic cleansing.
Israel announces its genocidal intent.
It announces its starvation campaign and that it implements.
[Other language spoken]
Also at stake, alongside the Palestinian people's right to self determination and right of return, is the global order itself.
To echo my colleagues, what is at stake is US geopolitical power and European unity.
And what countries around the world have finally recognised is that when Israel attacks the UN, when Israel kills a record number of UN staff, when Israel shoots at UN peacekeepers in Lebanon, Israel is attacking everyone.
I've heard this is not my quote.
This is what I've heard from ambassadors from around the world.
What is to be done?
The International Court of Justice in its advisory opinion, as was followed up by a General Assembly resolution, has told us what should be done.
[Other language spoken]
And I'm not talking about the sanctions that my colleague highlighted, the unilateral sanctions by the United States.
What I'm talking about are internationally legally authorised sanctions against Israel.
Broad based economic, political, diplomatic, cultural sanctions is the only thing that's going to ensure a permanent ceasefire.
Second, reparations.
I'm wary of people who talk about reconstruction and the day after and all of this because what was the condition of Gaza on October 6th, 2020?
Three, 50% of people in Gaza were hungry, 80% were dependent on humanitarian aid.
The reason?
Israel destroys the food system in Gaza.
It's not just to make people hungry, it's to force them into the dependency on humanitarian aid.
It's therefore.
Easier for Israel to use.
Humanitarian aid as a weapon so that destruction of Gaza's food system should be paid attention to.
This will have a long term impact.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
What does that mean?
It means Israel is responsible to ensure that Palestinian, the Palestinian people, live in dignity and no longer face any risk of starvation or any risk of genocide.
That's what we should be focusing on.
Thank you very much.
[Other language spoken]
The experts will now.
[Other language spoken]
Please state your name and organisation before asking a question and it would also be good if you indicate which expert you want to to.
Which your question is directed.
Sorry.
Thank you Robin Millard from.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
For the for the Gaza.
[Other language spoken]
I'd like to ask you and anyone else you might want to, to say something about.
[Other language spoken]
Do you make of the the Arab plan which has been put?
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
OK, I think the experts.
[Other language spoken]
Take a few questions and then.
Have a round of answers.
Is there any other questions?
We normally don't want to come here.
Yes, if that OK, yes, no problem and happy for my colleagues to to answer on this one as well.
I mean certainly credit to the the Arab states involved in that plan for rejecting the US proposal.
[Other language spoken]
Look my my key response is that it's a plan for reconstruction of basic services and housing and and all of that is good.
It's also supposed to be managed under the auspices of the Palestinian Authority, which is positive in the sense that that's a Palestinian entity.
Of course there are questions about the representativeness of the the Palestinian Authority these days.
It's legitimacy in terms of acceptability to the Palestinian people as a whole.
So I don't think we can take it for granted that the Palestinian Authority expresses the will of the whole Palestinian people.
At the same time, I think the critical problem with the plan is that it's it's not a long term settlement of the conflict.
[Other language spoken]
It's rebuilding what was destroyed and taking us back to where we were 18 months ago.
I mean really that's that's what it looks like with maybe Hamas a bit weakened politically in that in that process, you know, the UN global counterterrorism strategy pillar one commits all countries and Israel consented to this to address the root causes of terrorism and they include political exclusion, marginalisation, economic inequality and poverty, poor governance or lack of governance and most critically state violations of international human rights law.
So until you fix that fundamental violation of Palestinian right to self determination, fix compliance with what we know the International Court of Justice says is required, that is an end to settlements, an end to occupation, resumption of Palestinian governance of Palestinian land.
We're going to be back in this position in, I don't know, five years, 10 years, 15 years, as we have been in the endless cycle of violence since 1967.
And I go back to the 1920s because we know this has been going on for much longer.
But happy to hear from my colleagues on this one as well.
Would any other?
Expert like to weigh in on the same.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
I will, I know that.
The.
[Other language spoken]
President has attracted.
Much attention and.
Criticism and there are two aspects to.
What he brings to the.
[Other language spoken]
One is content and 1 is.
[Other language spoken]
And.
Clearly I have to say that sometimes it's surreal.
It's very often grotesque.
The way he refers.
To people outside the USI don't think that this is something limited to Palestine.
And yeah, it's again, I sometimes feel that there is a.
Probably it's intentional, psychological, overwhelming.
So that we, we and policy makers.
[Other language spoken]
To react, however, however, the content while the usus politics.
Under the current administration, is.
Terrible in many ways.
[Other language spoken]
Say that when it comes to Palestine, the worsening.
Is in the margins.
If there is worsening at all because the US.
Has always been that lawlessness.
Driven International.
Law negligence driven when it comes to when it comes to Palestine, this.
The the violence that has been unleashed.
Against the Palestinians, historically, by most remarkably in the last 16 months, has.
Been financially, militarily, economically, and.
Politically enabled by the by the previous US administration.
[Other language spoken]
We shouldn't be distracted.
From that and also people talk media, media as.
Well tend to refer to the Trump's plan to forcibly displace the Palestinian, no?
This is the Israeli plan to displace.
The Palestinians and President Trump's as it's persona is.
[Other language spoken]
That out loud, and yes, it's scary that forced displacement and other crimes.
Are becoming overtly.
Part of the US foreign policy.
I mean the other the.
The other side of the coin is that this is the way.
This is the way the.
[Other language spoken]
Run politics vis A vis vis a vis Palestine for a long time and again we.
Shall not forget what's.
Happening to the West Bank, the West Bank is the the the.
Litmus test of the.
Ethnic cleansing the Israel aims to do to Palestine 40,000 people have been have been made homeless in one.
[Other language spoken]
I mean this would be.
On the front page of any newspaper.
This should be talking on TV.
Imagine if this had been done to the Israelis.
The fact.
That policymakers and media.
Don't pick it up is a reflex of a racial.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Albanese, are there any other?
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Moussa Hacia made in TV Madame Albanese also don't play disco any position Israelian American the population of Palestinian de la siordani at the Gaza is real the exclusion the Palestinian the.
[Other language spoken]
The pillars on Gaza, Israel for the the measure Por stoppe la noriture elyz humanitar de Gaza Escapovo seen continuity, the crime, the guerre Obian and the the genocide Israel.
Missile, anything.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
That the danger of forced.
Displacement of the Palestinians is real since the arrival of British boots.
In the in historical.
Palestine, and it has become.
More and more.
Real every every with every passing day for the Palestinians.
There has.
Been, I mean, forced displacement has been a constant and I know that because my contribution to scholarship.
Is on 100 years of forced.
[Other language spoken]
So I can tell you.
That there have been 2 trends, law, force displacement, low intensity force displacement, which has been constant and it has been implemented through decisions of taking Palestinian property, piece of land by piece of land, home by home, school by school then.
Then.
Has escalated in in three historical moments.
But otherwise it has always been constant and we are talking of.
Hundreds of thousands of people forcibly displaced, including from the occupied Palestinian territory, away from major instances of armed conflict, but in major instances of armed conflict ads in 194749 the Nakba of whom.
[Other language spoken]
Survivors one way or another in 1967, under the fog of.
War Israel forcibly displaced the 300.
50,000 plus Palestinians destroying everything they have left behind like in 19471949 and preventing their return.
This is and This is why on the 14th of October 2023 like one week.
After the *******, I I.
[Other language spoken]
This is the risk, because this is what I.
[Other language spoken]
Being the trend, the risk.
Of forcible displacement of the Palestinian is real.
So how to answer?
And this has been the.
3rd the third peak.
And of course, you know, it's never a given Israel has tried.
Only it could.
To forcibly displace the Palestinians, and including, I mean.
If you read.
Michael Factory's report.
On food sovereignty in conjunction in with.
Another colleague's report.
Pedro Arrojo, the Special Rapporteur of the right.
To to water and the cartography of genocide the the report produced by Forensic Architecture, you understand the Gaza has always.
Been driven by these.
Attempts to forcibly displace the Palestinians and now it has it's happening the.
Resistance.
Has come from the Palestinians and I'm not talking of armed resistance, I'm talking to the fact that they they stayed put because the reactor meant of the Nakba through the violence that they experienced made them feel this is the last piece of Palestine that we have and we are not going anywhere.
So This is why now many are are are talking.
Of.
Supporting migration so as to make them move voluntarily.
Because there is no other way than into bombing.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
They're going to be killed them.
[Other language spoken]
So this is the the reality.
The danger is real.
But so is the Palestinian attachment to the land and.
Resistance to the land.
In the land.
Sorry, just to build on on Francesca and thank you for that question.
So undoubtedly Israel's Israel's continued denial of humanitarian aid is a is a continuation of war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.
So I want to add.
What is to be done?
So I mentioned sanctions.
So how is Israel been able to do this?
It's as Francesca has noted, this didn't start in 2023.
This didn't even start in 1967.
You can go back to 1948 and you can go back to the Balfour Declaration before that.
Over the decades, Israel has created a legal and political regime designed to displace Palestinians from their territory by making them vulnerable to starvation and violence.
So in the report that Francesca noted that I to understand how is Israel able to do what it was what it was doing.
Not only does it make Palestinians vulnerable by destroying their food system, making them reliant on humanitarian aid, and not only then does Israel use humanitarian aid as a weapon and as a bargaining chip, using Palestinian lives not as human lives but as as bargaining chips.
But Israel has economically and politically benefited from its occupation over the decades, but so have other countries.
Surrounding countries have benefited from Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory, and different countries that have economic and political relations with Israel have benefited from this.
So when we're talking sanctions, what we must first try and better understand is who is benefiting from the existing system of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
And then we can understand how we can push forward for sanctions.
And the sanctions have to be broad based because the entire Israeli legal and political system, again, is designed to continue to attempt to annex Palestinian territory.
And my final point again is there's currently an arrest warrant for Prime Minister Netanyahu and former Minister of Defence Gallant.
And the core, one of the core elements of the allegations is starvation.
It's the first time an International Criminal warrant has been issued for the crime of starvation.
But the fact that we're still seeing starvation unfold and the fact that starvation is only possible through a system, it's not just bad people, it's a system.
It means many more individuals are guilty, many more individuals should be held accountable for starvation crimes and other war crimes.
Thank you, Mr Factory.
Are there any other?
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Based on Miss Another law, Mr.
Factory you.
Just said that there are restaurants and because of starvation as well, but we know.
That some of the European.
Countries already said that they're not going to follow this arrest.
What do you think about it and how?
This such, you know, remarks.
Would define the implication of such laws.
[Other language spoken]
So I'll just answer it sort of a preliminary way and then answer more directly.
There was an interview with Prosecutor Khan from the ICC about how put the pressure he received when he issued these arrest warrants.
And what he said in this public interview is that many European political leaders were surprised because they said that the ICC was designed to go after African.
[Other language spoken]
So then when European countries being consistent in saying we're not going to honour and and adhere to these arrest warrants is a continuation of their racism, not just hypocrisy, they're racism.
[Other language spoken]
And the other question, sorry.
Yes, just to add to Michael's answer on on that question, I mean, I think it illustrates the point that this kind of selectivity in the enforcement of international law is so dangerous because it sends a signal to everybody else that you don't have to comply with international law either.
And for so long, there's been a, a very strong and growing narrative of double standards in international law that those who made the law view it as applying to others, but but not themselves.
And then it's no surprise when, you know, other states don't do, do the West's bidding and enforce all the things that the, you know, the Western states would would like enforced to, to support them.
And I think that's, that's very dangerous because it's not just about about Gaza or, or the Palestinians.
It has ripple effects across the whole legal system.
And we've seen that there are all kinds of attacks on international institutions and fundamental norms of international law.
And once those red lines start getting eroded so, so forcefully, it doesn't take long for the, the system to to break down and break apart very quickly.
I think we've seen an example of this in in in your country, the United States, where, you know, a very strong old sophisticated legal and political system is disintegrating before our eyes in a in a matter of weeks.
[Other language spoken]
You need political commitments from governments to enforce the law.
And we can't, you know, oppose Russia in Ukraine for the last few years.
And then, you know, when it comes to Gaza, norms and institutions no longer matter.
Last week I was, I was really disturbed actually, that the Conference of States Parties to the Geneva Conventions here in in Geneva didn't go ahead because states were so far apart on enforcement of the most fundamental rules of international law.
I mean, humanitarian law is not very demanding, actually.
I mean, these are minimum basic rules of humane conduct.
Don't torture people, don't summarily execute people, don't bomb hospitals.
It's not asking much actually.
And when we can't agree on enforcing those absolute fundamentals, I think the world has has gone to a a very, very dark place.
Thank you, Professor Sal.
[Other language spoken]
Weigh in thank you so much thank you so I would have said a lot of what has already been said and so I.
[Other language spoken]
What I will say is that even as we are seeing this disintegration, it is time for those states that are supporting the ICC and that do believe in an equal application of International Criminal law, international human rights law, to really lean in and take action now.
So we have seen some very strong leadership from some states saying we will enforce the arrest warrant.
[Other language spoken]
Will continue to support the.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Would be very.
Important is to see the.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
These sanctions, the EU does have that capacity to act together to, to activate this, this, this protective statute, which would go a long way to saying not only do we support the ICC, but we will.
[Other language spoken]
It from this kind of unilateral action so that's important and then also important is for us to see that leadership on these issues is shifting.
We see leadership coming for the Global South in many cases.
We see leadership of states who are going to these international mechanism, going to the ICC, going to the International Criminal Court, bringing evidence and and bringing support and it's time for states to recognise that we.
[Other language spoken]
Looking to where leadership is coming from and putting our actions where our words are.
And I agree entirely with my colleagues.
That.
It's time for us to honestly face the double.
[Other language spoken]
The racism.
That has been inherent in those double standards and to call on the states that have been quietly sitting by to stand up and be.
Very clear on their support.
And their active participation in ensuring international law is enforced.
[Other language spoken]
We have a question in the room.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Actually the first one Mrs Albanese mentioned.
That media or journalists in general played a a role on the coverage of this subject.
[Other language spoken]
My question goes to all of you.
How do you think media was useful or not, especially when you talked about smearing and campaigns against you?
As in in this job.
My second.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Do you think that what happened in Gaza and and in the?
West Bank can be also a kind of apartheid, apartheid food on the Palestinian people.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
We'll go to Miss Albanese first and then back to Mr Fagri.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
I'm not the media.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Done quite a significant amount of reading about ethical.
Journalism because I had an.
Issue with the media was covering the facts.
And developments in in the occupied Palestinian territory.
In over, I mean since October, October 2020.
Three and not because there.
Were not enough reasons to.
Do that to have that critical approach before.
But there are.
[Other language spoken]
And accuracy according to which?
Journalists should strive.
To give an accurated fair.
Count of.
Events and I don't think this has happened because in many instances.
There has been a repetition of.
Unverified facts very often coming from disputed or.
[Other language spoken]
Very credible sources.
The other principle is independence.
Journalists have not journalists.
And certain media have.
Been proven, have been investigated.
By other journalists as not truly.
Independent, they have masked.
Themselves, they have hidden themselves against the sorry behind the word neutrality, but they have they have taken side.
They have been biassed in the ways they have selected facts to report on.
And.
Voice voices to host.
And also the kind of different.
Line of the questionings and the assumptions sometimes revealing the racial bias again in in the line of questions.
The other, the other, the other elements.
Are really fairness and impartiality?
We know now because it's been increasingly exposed.
And there are also cases.
Where I have received complaints myself and I've listened to and I've.
Received I mean.
I've heard I've spoken with journalists themselves.
[Other language spoken]
Been either fired, dismissed or mistreated in their position.
Told not to, not to.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
About what crimes against or crimes against humanity, so there has.
Been like a thought police.
[Other language spoken]
In in the media.
So I think that as in other genocides.
The role of the media will have to be investigated because in international tribunals have exposed the role of media, for example, in enabling in creating a A.
Conducive environment for genocidal.
[Other language spoken]
In the case of.
Rwanda and in the case.
Of former Yugoslavia, what is?
Interesting here, as I've said.
Before it's a case where it's not the Israeli media or it's not the Israeli.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
Which has taken this conduct.
And it's very.
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
I'll start just with what the International Court of Justices said and then build on that analysis.
So in the recent International Court of Justice advisory opinion on the legal consequences of Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory since 1967, the court held that Israel's occupation is some case of racial segregation or apartheid, without clarifying which one.
But it was very clear that it is Israel is engaged in the most severe form of racist policy.
To turn to the specific concept of of apartheid, building on decades of work both from within the United Nations and amongst international legal experts, I align myself with those that recognise that it is the most extreme form of racial segregation in that it is apartheid.
What that means is this, why does it matter?
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
[Other language spoken]
That Israel systemically and regularly implements its laws and policies in a way that is racist and dehumanises the Palestinian people.
[Other language spoken]
Israeli legal and political.
Regime as constructed institutionally is designed to dehumanise the Palestinian people and in this case.
For the purpose.
Of displacing them from their territory.
That's why again, to turn back to what is to be done, the issue of sanctions is important.
The court requires all member states of the United Nations to impose sanctions against Israel, jointly and individually, to end the illegal occupation.
One can interpret this narrowly, meaning you can then, if you're a country, you can say, OK, I'm going to impose sanctions against Israel to end its illegal occupation, but I'm only going to.
[Other language spoken]
Presence on the ground in the occupied territories.
But if you understand it as a system of racial segregation, as an apartheid, that means you have to apply sanctions against Israel as such, against the entire state of Israel because it is constructed institutionally to to undermine the humanity, humanity of the Palestinian people because of because of this apartheid regime.
Then, and I'm not the first to say this and I won't be the last and and is why Israel has been has been.
Able to starve.
The people so quickly.
The food system is designed to undermine the strength of the Palestinian people.
I'll leave it at that.
[Other language spoken]
Are there any other?
Questions in the room.
Or online for the special rapporteurs.
They have a little bit more time.
Any other questions?
Did you want to?
I'll just add on the media question.
We've also been concerned about the Palestinian authorities banning of Al Jazeera, which I don't think is obviously very helpful or consistent with freedom of expression and freedom of the the media.
To echo what Francesca said about censorship of and attacks on on journalists.
You know, in my country, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, which is our national public broadcaster, took a radio announcer off air because she simply retweeted a Human Rights Watch report about Palestine with no comment.
I mean, this is, this is the level of censorship that's going on because people are afraid of the kinds of pressure that all kinds of institutions are getting from organised political forces, whether they be media, universities, public service, public servants.
I mean, this, this kind of intense polarisation around the space to advocate on, on these issues has been incredibly destructive to debate on, on these issues.
The weaponisation of anti-Semitism, the efforts to ensure the international Holocaust remembrance definition of anti-Semitism is taken up by as many States and institutions as possible when it's deeply flawed, as has been pointed out in numerous reports by Special Rapporteurs over the years, including Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, the former Special Rapporteur on, on racism.
I mean, it's, it's very clear that that those are, are very problematic definitions that can't be squared with freedom of expression under international law.
So that that space to, to, to speak on these issues really needs to be protected and expanded, whether it's in the media, in, in universities or, or elsewhere.
[Other language spoken]
Thank you, Professor Saul.
If there are no other questions and unless.
The experts have something.
Further to add please.
Miss Albanese, Miss Altathwaite, Anything.
[Other language spoken]
In that case, we will close.
This press conference, thank you all for joining us and thank you.
For the special rapporteurs.
For being here and online and for your interest in their work.
[Other language spoken]