UN Geneva - Multimedia Newsroom : HRC Press Conference: FFM on Venezuela

[Other language spoken]

Good morning, everyone.

Thank you all for joining us today for this press conference with the independent international fact finding mission on Venezuela.

Joining us today are all three members of the Commission in the middle of the chair, Marta Velinas.

To her right is Mr Francisco Cox and to my right is Patricia Tapata.

The Mission will be sharing the findings of their latest report to you, which they are currently scheduled to present to the Human Rights Council on Friday.

As you may know, the Fact Finding Mission was established in 2019 by the Human Rights Council to mandate mandated to investigate gross violations of human rights committed since 2014.

So now Miss Valenius will make an opening statement, followed by her colleagues, and then we'll open the floor to questions.

[Other language spoken]

Good morning, distinguished members of the press and colleagues.

Today we present the 5th report of the Independent International Effect Finding Mission on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, which covers the period from 1st of September 2023 to 31st of August 2024.

During this.

We have observed a worsening of the human rights situation, especially following the presidential elections of 28th of July.

The period covered by our report was marked by acts of repression in the period leading up to the presidential elections of 28th of July, the massive protests that took place after the National Electoral Council announced President Maduro's victory, and the violent response by security forces and armed civilian groups aligned with the government, all orchestrated by the highest civilian and military levels of the government, including President Maduro.

Our findings are overwhelming.

Not only have there been no improvement, but the violations have intensified, reaching unprecedented levels of violence in the post election context.

We have documented 25 confirmed deaths, most of them young people under 30 years old, from popular neighbourhoods.

There are two children among them.

One of the victims is a member of the Bolivarian National Guard.

Of these 25 victims, we have confirmed that 24 died from gunshot wounds, the other was beaten to death.

The government claims that there are two more victims, one of whom, another member of the Bolivarian National Guard, apparently died in a traffic accident, but the government has not shared any details despite our formal written request for information.

Although we have initiated our investigations into these cases, we do not yet have sufficient evidence to attribute responsibility for the deaths.

However, we can confirm the presence of security forces such as the Bolivarian National Guard and the Bolivarian National Police, sometimes accompanied by groups of armed civilians who fired on demonstrators.

During the protests between 29th of July and 6th of August, Venezuelan authorities admitted to having arrested more than 2200 people.

Of these, we have confirmed the arrest of at least 158 children, some with disabilities and accused of serious crimes such as terrorism and incitement to hatred.

This phenomenon is something new and extremely worrying.

We are facing a systematic, coordinated and deliberate repression by the Venezuelan government, which responds to a conscious plan to silence any form of dissent.

As part of this plan, the government has instrumentalized the entire state apparatus, including specially the justice system, with a view to silencing any type of difference of opinion that opposes its scheme and to staying in power at any price.

[Other language spoken]

I would like to share more details on the systematic violation we have investigated.

During the period between December 2023 and March 2024, We have investigated 39 arrests that we consider, according to our standard of proof, to have been arbitrary.

The government invoked conspiracy to carry out this another arrest affecting more than 34 people, excuse me, 48 people, including civilians and military personnel.

In addition, in the three weeks of the electoral campaign between 4 and 25 of July, we documented the arrest of 121 people, most of whom were arrested simply for for having participated or collaborated in opposition campaign events.

The increasing repression after the elections was even more brutal, as Marta already indicated.

In the week after the elections, the number of people arrested exceeded two 2200 people, according to figures provided by the government itself.

We have been able to verify that at least 143 of these arrests involved members of seven opposition parties, including 66 leaders of political movements.

Politically, politically motivated persecution is evident.

These figures represent a level of repression that we have not seen since 2019.

Of the people detaining in this.

Many were subjected to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, as well as sexual violence, which was perpetrated against women and girls, but also against men.

We reported electric shocks, beating with blunt objects, suffocation with plastic bags, immersion in cold water and forced sleep deprivation, among others.

And we also repeat and we also reported touching of breast Botox and genitals, forced nudity and invasive searches.

We further documented preliminary elements of what could be more than 25 short term enforced disappearances since the announcement of the election result previously since December 2023.

After a process of strict investigation and analysis, we concluded that at least 15 short term forces disappearances took place.

The anguish and fears of families in this situation is indescribable.

We are also concerned about the increasingly intense closure of civic space.

Freedom of expression was severely limited by attacks and judicial persecution against journalists, social media influencers, or anonymous people who simply share critical opinions toward the government on their social networks.

We documented the arrest of at least 16 journalists and social communicators legislative initiatives in this.

Through a National Assembly which is also subordinated to the government restricted civic space.

More in our report, we mentioned in particular the so-called NGOs law which places arbitrary limitations on the autonomous functioning of civil society organisation, especially human rights defenders.

This law was passed on.

This law, excuse me, was passed on 15 August in the midst of the post election protests.

We moreover mentioned the fascist law which criminalise any political option different from that the government from that of the government and propose severe penal and administrative sanction for individuals, media outlets, non governmental organisation and political parties.

We are deeply concerned about the safety of all human rights defenders and that of their families.

Their voices are essential to ensure that violation continue to be documented and that victims are not forgotten.

These figures represents only a small sample of the reality faced by thousands of people in Venezuela today.

[Other language spoken]

The figures we have presented revealed the extent of violations committed.

We cannot ignore that these violations represent a clear and deliberate line of conduct by the authorities of politically motivated persecution.

We have come to the conclusion that many of these violations constitute crimes against humanity.

In previous reports, we had already documented how the government of Venezuela used systematic repression to remain in power.

Today, in this report, we confirm that this repression has reached an unprecedented level.

President Maduro himself announced on 6th of August exact exactly 2229 arrests since 29 July.

This was the result of the so-called Operation Tun Tun, which was announced in a mix of a mocking and threatening tone.

Following this presidential order, without any attachment to legality or respect for the rule of law, we documented more than 40 cases in which the security forces entered private homes without warrants, just using social media videos as the only evidence to arrest people who they thought had participated in protests or who had expressed criticism in social media.

In several cases, the houses in popular neighbourhoods of people who participated in protest or expressed criticism were even marked with an X.

As Patricia mentioned before, we have documented that in several cases the detained people were subject to acts of torture and I'll treatment as well as sexual violence.

President Maduro even suggested that all people should be sent to labour camps to be re educated.

According to our investigations, all these arrests involved and were followed by serious violations of due process, reaching unprecedented levels in the country.

The criminal proceedings initiated against detainees systematically failed to comply with the minimum guarantees of due process.

The Attorney General announced before the people were arrested that they would be charged with crimes as serious as terrorism and incitement to hatred, even against children with disabilities.

As Martha mentioned, we have ratified our previous conclusion that the justice system, especially the criminal system led by the Supreme Court, its criminal appeal chamber and its four terrorism courts, is manifestly subordinated to the interests of the executive power and has become a key instrument in the state's plan to repress all kind of political and social dissent.

These courts are monopolising the proceedings against detainees after the elections, who are not allowed to have lawyers of their choice and tried in collective judicial proceedings without individualization, individualising charges against them, which take place at night in detention centres, without effective public defenders, without publicity and without being able to participate in the proceedings.

Victims and a large part of general population are exposed to an arbitrary exercise of power, where arbitrary detention is systematic, systematically used together with serious violations of due process.

We have previously warned that the Government could activate the repressive apparatus at will, and indeed that is what we are observing.

Repression and human rights violations are widespread and systematic, and we must act urgently to protect victims and ensure that those responsible are held into account.

Thank you, Patricia and Francisco.

Some of the human rights violations we have investigated during this.

Represent a continuation of the same course of conduct that we previously characterised as crimes against humanity.

These violations were not the result of isolated or random events, but rather are part of a series of events committed in implementation of a coordinated plan to silence, discourage and suffocate the opposition to President Maduro's government.

Taking into account this course of conduct, the state plan that we have mentioned, the profile of the victims and the public statements you you should by ****-ranking state representatives, we have reasonable ground to believe that during the time frame covered by our mandate, the crime of persecution on political grounds has been committed in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

[Other language spoken]

We'll look forward to answering questions from the press.

[Other language spoken]

Let's take one question from the back.

If you could just please identify yourself and the media outlet that you work for, please go ahead.

[Other language spoken]

I'm working for Agence France Press ASP.

My name is Anya Espereiro.

[Other language spoken]

The first question is about the EU top diplomat Borel, who on Sunday called the Venezuelan government dictatorial.

So I wanted to to ask you if you share the same analysis and why, if you could explain why does it matter to qualify the Venezuelan government.

The quick question, I wanted to ask you if you have studied or planned to look at the the allegations concerning the the presence of the Russian mercenary group Wagner last month during the elections.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you for your question.

We believe that more importantly than qualifying politically, what this government is or is not, is to document what is happening in terms of facts on the ground.

And what we have been documenting is a violation of several human rights.

Of course, the the the ones mentioned in our mandate most of all.

And we have given you an account of all the serious violations that have been committed, including violations of the process, violations to the right to life, to not being illegally imprisoned, not being subject to torture and so on.

And we believe that that is the most important thing.

That is what our mandate also tells us to to do.

It is clear that there is also in Venezuela at the moment, and we have pointed out last year as well, violations of fundamental civil and political rights, including the right to participate in public decisions and in political life.

And this of course, includes the right to be able to express your views, to have a democratic dialogue.

All of this, I think, is what leads some observers and some important institutions and their representatives to qualify the government and as as a dictatorship.

But we really believe that most importantly, our role is to document the facts rather than qualify the political system in Venezuela.

[Other language spoken]

I will leave to one of my colleagues to answer your second question.

And we, we were in the process of documenting this report.

And so we had to shift a little bit the focus of our report because of the events that were occurring after the elections.

And we have received information and documented and reported that civilians are participating in parts of the repression with the AKS and so tolerance of members of the security forces like the one of the national, the police.

We don't we haven't not received information about the Bagner Group.

If we are renewed, then we have to go on with the investigation.

But so far we have not received information in that sense.

[Other language spoken]

Jamie from The Associated Press.

[Other language spoken]

Just two questions that are kind of related.

We've seen some accusations in recent days from the Venezuelan government about an assassination attempt.

They've arrested some people.

Do you have any sign that that is credible or not credible, those allegations?

Do you have you have you been able to assess those allegations at all?

And just more broadly, you know, you, you issued a number of recommendations in at the end of your report.

But what really can be done here?

I mean, we're talking about a government that has been in power for a number of years.

There was obviously an attempt of Western backed attempt to bring in another president that didn't seem to go very far.

What really can be done, What should the international community be doing and what should Venezuelans themselves be doing to try to make sure that that there's some sort of a change in government or a greater democracy in Venezuela?

[Other language spoken]

Thank you for your question.

In relation to the recent allegations of an attempt to assassinate President Maduro, we cannot really say anything, first of all, because.

Our investigations for the report we are now publishing were finished by the end of August, so it doesn't cover this.

Nonetheless, this type of allegations of assassination attempts or conspiracies to to overthrow the government, to attack government institutions, to assassinate the president are nothing new.

In fact, we have seen several of those allegations of so-called conspiracies.

And, and I'm saying so-called because it is also not part of our main mandate as we understand it, to investigate whether these are serious conspiracies or not.

What we can say and we have said in in several of our reports and in our most recent report, again, is that on the ground of these alleged conspiracies, several human rights violations have been committed.

We in in our current report, we take note that only since December 2023, there have been, according to the authorities, 10 so-called conspiracies which have led to the detention of at least 48 persons and warrant of arrest being issued against another 15.

And this is only in the period between December 2023 and March 2024.

And now we have investigated 25 of these cases.

And for example, only 8 of of these individuals that have been detained and six, six against whom warrant of arrest were issued belong to the opposition party of the candidate Maria Corina Machado.

What we have found is that in these detentions, not only serious due process guarantees, serious violations of due process guarantees are committed.

Detentions are arbitrary.

And clearly the individuals being targeted include persons, as I just mentioned, that are members of political parties, of the political opposition, But also we've seen human rights defenders.

But Osio San Miguel is one of them who has been detained allegedly because of being, according to the authorities, linked to one of these conspiracies, but journalists and other members of civil society.

And we find this extremely concerning, the use of the alleged conspiracies to actually silence critical voices or those that are seen by the government as threats to to to to their power and, and people who they seen they see as opposing them.

So we actually, I think, are concerned with a new allegation of another conspiracy or assassination attempt and what that may mean in terms of further violations of human rights.

Patricia Well, I am just trying to say something because there are many, many people in many parts of the world asking what really can be done about Venezuela.

Because if you if you look around, there are many things that for example, try to to categorise the the, the regime as a political regime.

That is, it puts very nervous to the authorities of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, but this is the right of the political scientists to to say about what kind of political regime is and nothing happens.

The international denounce and the international condemnation of the regime is also tactic that many countries put in place and the regime or the government answer with ironic sentences because this is a a very common way of talking mock about the people, the people who are suffering also who are an imprison, insulting them, saying that they are guilty of horrible crimes, etcetera.

So from my point of view and our view is is very difficult because the international scenario and because until today the government showed that it's not a very big problem from them hearing every day this kind of qualification.

But perhaps is a problem that they dedicate most of the the time of each day to insult and basically basically basically insult all the people, all the citizens, all the countries, including the in in the middle of all these insults and they make a lot of bloopers and declaring, for example, that they are leaving the international fascist order or something like that.

So I think that the main point is not to feel tired about this and continue to say what is really happen happening inside Venezuela and also highlights that there is no other migration so huge that the Venezuelan in the region.

The role of the countries of the region from our point of view is is a key role and they have to to talk each other to go forward.

This is in the other hand, the government will continue to suffocate and to try to eliminate in a symbolic but also in a physical way all kind of opposition because until today they only, the only will that we can see is the a strong will to maintain the power, the business and the benefits to be in the power.

Just briefly, I think, as Patricia was saying, each member of the international community must to comply with their duty.

So the Human Rights Council must keep an eye on the situation in Venezuela and members and states who have embassies in Caracas should open the doors as and give refuge to those who are persecuted, as we have reported since, and provide the protection that international law gives them in front of these human rights violations.

Accountability is also important, so we have created a International Criminal Court to make it function.

So since there is an investigation ongoing and the International Criminal Court could be active in this situation.

And of course they're independent and they make their own decisions, but I think it's important that they play the role too.

And some member states have universal jurisdiction that are ongoing, like Argentina, and that is also a key part of this element.

Our role is to at least our mandate ends out if they renew.

The mandate is to keep documenting these human rights violations and crimes against humanity.

[Other language spoken]

I mean, you, you mentioned two things that are, are you mentioned the International Criminal Court and you mentioned the regional countries.

I mean, I really wanted to try to move forward on this idea of what actually can be done.

For example, I mean, does it need to have more regional pressure on the government?

I mean that we've obviously seen a a change of government not too long, not too long ago in neighbouring Colombia, which is kind of changed the make up of the region.

We have, you know, there, there's obviously the effort to install Guido by other, other countries.

But, but I'm just wondering if, for example, ideas like trying to give an exit ramp to Maduro so that he could go and live in another countries Truth and Reconciliation Commission or, or, or some sort of other external judicial or, or, or or or reconciliation mechanism that could, that could, for example, clear or, or, or give some sort of reckoning to, to the military, for example, or the paramilitary groups and various others or judicial system.

I just wondering if if any of those ideas are kind of on the plate for you.

Have you seen anything along those lines?

[Other language spoken]

Well, in terms of what could be some of the exit strategies or negotiation, political negotiation strategies, we won't really make a statement about that because it's, it's, it's really not part of our mandate to, to make recommendations about the political, let's say solution.

But we do find it incredibly important at this point that there is you mentioned regional pressure, pressure by by by other countries in in the Latin American region and those that are perhaps closer to Venezuela.

And yes, I think that is part of what Patricia was was mentioning before, that it is important that all countries, including of course, those that may have more channels of communication with the Venezuelan authorities as well as institutions, international regional institutions that Francisco mentioned.

It is very important that all of these actors continue to place Venezuela and the human rights relations that are taking place there in the centre of the discussion beyond any ideological or political interests and stances.

It is very important therefore also that when thinking of a possible transition or negotiation, that we also keep the ideas and concepts of justice and reparation at the centre of the discussion.

So whatever could be the solution to the current political crisis in Venezuela has to also take take into account that we have been leaving and are leaving at the moment, a serious human rights crisis.

Beyond, of course, the humanitarian crisis that Patrice also alluded to with the mass exodus that we have seen in in the past years and may see again a research thereof because of the discontent and the level of frustration of the population in the country.

But what needs to be at the centre is justice for what and accountability for the violations that have been committed, reparation for the victims that have suffered these violations.

And of course all the reforms and changes, not only in institutions and legislation, but also and most importantly in the practises of state security forces and other state institutions that have been deeply involved in the Commission of the violations that we have outlined in our different reports.

[Other language spoken]

We'll take one more question from the room and then we'll go to those of you who are joining us online.

[Other language spoken]

Isabel Sacco with Spanish News Agency.

I would like to rebound on the issue of a migration and the risk of a new wave of Venezuelan people migrating from from their country.

And do you see from the conversations that that you have had during the last months and 1/2 with people inside and outside Venezuela, the signs that people inside that will again willing massively to get out of the country?

And second question is, I read that in the report that they are among the people arrested, they are military personnel.

And I would like to know if this the number of people, military or security forces, people arrested is meaningful and if this you have also seen any sign of a break of the unity in the military corps sink?

I mean, what we've seen so far, I mean, if you see the the borders, it doesn't seem that there has been an, an, A large increase in numbers of people leaving Venezuela.

But it might.

I mean, obviously all countries are who have borders and have received a lot of migrants from Venezuela are alert and monitoring the situation.

But from what we've seen so far, it hasn't happened.

It'll depend, I guess on a lot of things, the level, if the level of repression continues, if the humanitarian crisis increases, of course, this, this will have an impact.

And I think it's, it's it's foreseeable that this will be the consequence both of humanitarian crisis and human rights crisis.

Yes, I, I would add to that, one thing that our team of investigators has noticed also is that due to the most recent wave of repression, people that we are speaking with who are in Venezuela are increasingly afraid to speak out against what has happened to them, what is happening at the moment.

And, and this means that people are indeed afraid, are afraid to speak out, are afraid to live normally in their country, especially when they have a profile of someone who either because they are journalists or human rights defenders, members of civil society who express their views about the situation in their country, people are afraid of doing their job.

And so all of this together could contribute to a new wave of migration as well of not my well of people fleeing the country.

And this also, of course, might include members of the political opposition, and that has happened in the past, as already we have several key members of the political opposition who, I remind you, live in in exile already for some years.

And and that's because of the politically motivated persecution that we have spoken about.

Now regarding your question about military personnel, we have documented already in several of our previous report and again in this one that there have been several members of the military who have been accused of being involved in the so-called conspiracies to overthrow the government and they have been arbitrarily detained.

We have seen in this in the period covered by our current report actually sentences being handed down in, in one of those cases linked to the so-called operacion, we're talking about very ****, very severe sentences applied to these individuals.

And, and when I say these individuals are both members of the military and people that are not members of the military but are associated with them and that have been implicated in these conspiracies.

And so even if the numbers are not as **** as maybe civilians that have been detained, definitely these cases have also a special effect on others that would be considering expressing their views against the government and will belong to the military or are associated with persons who belong to the military.

So we believe that this also has a chilling effect in the same way that a detention of human rights defender has in civil society and other human rights defenders or a detention of a journalist has in the work of other journalists.

So we do think that these detentions and the severe sentences handed down on these individuals has, has has a very big and important impact and also in the ability of those within the military who may wish to not follow the the orders of of their government.

[Other language spoken]

We'll take the first one from Bianca Rothier from the Global TV in Brazil.

Yes, hi, Thanks.

[Other language spoken]

Yeah, you, you were talking about the importance of the international pressure.

So from all you investigated if the pressure from Brazil, I mean the largest democracy in South America, if the pressure of Brazil on Nicolas Maduro regime have been stronger, would the situation be different now?

Do you think the tensions and deaths could have been avoided with a stronger pressure from Lula?

And do you think the situation can still deteriorate even more?

[Other language spoken]

Well, it's difficult to see the future, but one of the big problems that has the Bolivarian government is that they are not they are not delivering signs of be open to dialogue.

And this is one of the most difficult attitude to evaluate from outside in terms of in terms of of seeing what are the real possibility to be closer and to to have a conversation about the near future.

But of course, the the geopolitical situation of Brazil and the size of the country and the historic role in the region.

In addition that has a very extensive border with Venezuela.

There are all, there are all characteristics that seems to be that a strong position from Brazil perhaps, perhaps only perhaps a good persuade, persuade Nicolas Maduro to initiate.

And I, I have to emphasise, initiate a serious conversation about a possible way to go forward in this situation, because until today, the at least the speakers from the Colombia and Brazil mainly, and in a less voice Mexico expressed to the to who are not members of these those governments that there is no easy conversation and there is no easy situation to start a real conversation with the Bolivarian government.

So Brazil is really an important country.

It was quite confused sometimes the messages that from Itamarati and from the President also.

But we hope that can play a meaningful role because they are history, because the relevance of the trade between two nations and between the and because the extension of the board.

[Other language spoken]

We'll go to Laurence Sierra from the Swiss News Agency.

Yeah, Thanks for taking my question.

In a in a previous report in 2022, you could say that sources had identified direct links between the President Maduro and orders that were given in certain instances for arrest.

And that was the the case as well for his wife, for the president of the Constituent National Assembly and a former vice president who then became minister.

So in the whole period before and after this presidential election, could you also verify direct instances where orders for certain arrests and or for certain violations were directly given by the president and by other ****-ranking officials?

[Other language spoken]

As we say in the report, these acts are in the line of conduct that we have been reporting before and during all of our mandate.

In this instance, we see the public statements of Maduro, of those the Al Caballo and the actions taken by even by the the prosecutor, the general prosecutor and and they all fit in with the same pattern that we have identified previously.

In this instance, since we were kind of caught by time, we were not able to document insiders giving us the direct information.

But we think that if one reviews the public statements of the authorities, the, as we mentioned Operation Tun Tun, the fact that they gave the numbers, I mean the public numbers of detainees were higher even than those reported by NGOs.

I think we can say that it satisfies that as we said is in the same line of conduct and that these would we have reasonable basis to believe that the crime of persecution is being committed, has been committed also previously and that we are seeing arbitrary detentions with no judicial orders, with no factual sustainable factual grounds for Infragrante de Leto.

[Other language spoken]

Let's go to Emma Farage from Reuters.

[Other language spoken]

I think I'm right in saying that the mandate is up for renewal at the current council meeting.

I was wondering how hopeful you were feeling about that and maybe you could say a word about how important it is that you continue your work in the current context?

[Other language spoken]

Well, what is the most important thing, as we already mentioned, is that really Venezuela is part of the discussions of the Human Rights Council, continues to be part of the discussions and the tension of the Human Rights Council and its members.

And in that respect, we do believe that renewal of the mandate of the mission, but also that of the Office of the **** Commissioner, A renewed call for the Venezuelan authorities to allow special procedures, also special procedure mandate holders to enter the country and analyse the situation.

All of these actors of the United Nations, I think, have a very important role to play in documenting, analysing the situation, formulating recommendations and of course, the members of the Council to take action.

Also, as we have noted in our report, we have had a very limited time to conduct investigations on what has happened after the elections.

As I mentioned before, our investigations for the current report had to end by by the end of August.

So we had one month really to conduct investigations and we believe that we need more time to investigate further and deeper some of the violations that have occurred in the pre and post electoral context and of course in in the current weeks.

And so we we do see that we have work to do still.

Shall our mandate be renewed?

[Other language spoken]

OK, let's go to Lisa Schlein from the Voice of America.

[Other language spoken]

First, have you, have you given your report to the government and have you received any response?

And also on the question of sanctions, are they actually effective or not?

Should they continue to be used and thinking most recently about the United States, which did have a lot of sanctions on Venezuela and lifted the sanctions in the hopes of having a freer democratic election, which didn't occur.

So should they be imposed or do you believe that they are ineffective and that they indeed are very harmful to the population at large and this should not be used as a pressure point?

[Other language spoken]

Thank you very much for the question.

As any in any occasion that we come to the Human Rights Council to report, we offer previously to the government.

We write to the government offering the report as we usually write to ask some question or ask for the possibility to receive judicial files to complete our investigation.

But we never had the privilege to receive an answer from the government.

And regarding the sanctions, we are usually not give an opinion.

Perhaps we only have a a say about the agreements that the the government signed in 2023 in Barbados that was at that time promising a pass to free elections and a situation that really was envisioned at that time very different than the current situation in the Venezuelan people experienced.

OK, Any more questions from the room or online?

[Other language spoken]

Thank you all for joining us today and have a good day.

HRC Press Conference: FFM on Venezuela - 17 September 2024