HRC press onference: Inquiry on Syria

Perhaps we can start, I think Paulo may join us in a few minutes, if I understand correctly.

Maybe while we're waiting for Paulo to join us, let's, let's just perhaps start in the interest of time.

It's now just a couple of minutes after 2O clock.

So I'd like on this note to maybe welcome you to this virtual press conference with the Commission of Inquiry.

But we do have remarks that we'll we'll we'll screen for you by Paolo and he'll join us momentarily.

In the meantime, I would like to once again join you, welcome you to this press conference and thanks for joining us here and joining us from Sao Paulo and Chicago and New York in that order.

Our Paolo will be with us momentarily.

Karen Abu Zaid and Hani Magali, the members of the Commission of Inquiry on Syria.

They join us here at this press conference to launch their next report on the overall human rights situation in in the Syrian Arab Republic.

This is, incidentally, the 21st report since the Commission was established just over 9 years ago in 2011.

And the reporting period is first the first half of this year from January to July.

Accompanying the report is a press release in English and Arabic, which you should have received electronically by now.

It should be online momentarily.

So the report, the press release, everything has now been lifted.

The embargo, rather, has been lifted on these documents.

We have about 30 minutes for the press conference today.

And as usual, we'll hear from Paolo and then over to you for your questions.

So maybe on that note, if I can ask Francois to run the opening remarks from Paolo.

Thank you very much.

Thank you for joining us today.

Our latest report offers a period January July 2020 which saw a relative reduction in large scale hostilities and instrument attacks, with the 5th March ceasefire in Italy largely holding.

However, Syrians continue to be killed on a daily basis and to suffer gross human rights relations at the hands of all actors controlling territory in Syria.

While well documented violations such as arbitrary detention, enforces, appearance, torture and deaths in custody continue to be utilised by these actors, newer forms of violations including target killings, looting and appropriation of property are increasing in numbers and carry sectarian undertones across God that Held areas.

We documented 45 cases of enforcer disappearance, 13 cases of torture, and 19 deaths in detention.

Continuing to repress people by placing them in incommunicado detention and in in abhorrent conditions and torturing them amounts to crimes against humanity.

In areas formerly under the control of non state armed and terrorist groups.

Governments security apparatus continue to violate residents civil, economic, political, and social rights.

Checkpoints block residents from making a living by selling goods or crops elsewhere, and even from seeking healthcare.

An opaque Security Max system prevents people from owning or even renting a house.

The constant ****** of arbitrate detention stifles freedom of movement.

Humanitarian organisations are prevented from bringing in grid Kuwait.

Barriers to the return of refugees are omnipresent.

The suffering of the Syrian population is further compounded by the deepening economic crisis, tightening sanctions and the COVID-19 pandemic, with a staggering 9.3 million Syrians now food insecure.

We reiterate here the need to ease or waive sectoral sections to ensure access to food, essential health supplies and COVID-19 medical support and to avoid further immiserating an already desperate population.

Sadly, the suffering of the Syrian people does not rest with the Government of Syria, only in Afrin, Hazelaine and the surrounding areas.

The Turkey backed Syrian National Army SNA may have committed war crimes of hostage taking, cruel treatment and torture and **** attacks by massive aides and shelling, claiming the scores of lives.

Looting and property confiscation by the SNA in many Kurdish areas is rife.

Holy communities and cultures are under attack.

UNESCO heritage sites have been booted and looted.

Turkey should take action to prevent this ***** and ensure the protection of civilians in the areas under its control.

It is encouraging that the 5th March ceasefire negotiated by the Russian Federation and Turkey in Idlib and surrounding areas is largely holding.

But of the nearly 1,000,000 people who fled dismayed bombardments earlier this year, most remaining miserable displacement camps in northern Idlib, some 200,000 have returned it to live amidst the rubble in areas that remain under the control of the terrorist group hired Tari Raichun HDS.

People who expressed dissent against HDS who have detained, torture and or and even murdered increasing number of women and girls are suffering forcet and early marriage, sexual violence, miscarriage and domestic violence in the overcrowded camps, indicative of heightened desperation as winter nears and COVID-19 spreads.

Meanwhile in Darazur, Raqqa and Hazaka, ISIL continue its attacks on the Syrian Democratic Forces, SDF and the anti ISIL coalition.

[Other language spoken]

Over 60,000 women and children remain in our whole camp and it's annexed in appalling conditions.

With COVID-19 recent spread in the camp, only 5 Primary Health clinics remain open to service those in the camp.

Nearly 35,000 are children under the age of 12.

To hold so many young children in the main condition for 18 months without any legal recourse is not only unlawful but also shameful.

They should be released and we call on Member States to urgently take back their own citizens, in particular children with their mothers friends.

COVID-19 is now rapidly spreading across Syria, with numbers much higher than officially admitted.

To avoid a catastrophe, urgent actions must be taken to impeded prison and drastically reduce overcrowding.

The Government of Syria and all parts in the conflict must immediately release and arbitrarily detained prisoners as well as children, the sick and the elderly.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you very much for running that and thanks to Paolo for recording that.

And and we will share that video with you along with the text immediately following this press conference.

So without further ado, I turn to you for your questions.

I see we have a couple of hands raised already.

We have Lisa Schlein from Voice of America.

[Other language spoken]

Hi, Rolando.

Thank you and hello to everyone else.

Yeah, I have a couple of questions about, I'm wondering why, why this deliberate targeting of civilians?

Have these warring parties run out of warriors to target?

Is there some kind of a diabolical campaign or sense of revenge that that the war began with protests from civilians?

I mean, I'm frankly confused about this.

And then is the ***** that is being meted out to civilians worse now than it has been throughout the past?

How many years, nine years or whatever of the conflict?

[Other language spoken]

Who wants to take this one?

I see that I'm not sure if Paulo is back with us, but maybe we'll see if we can nudge him to join us.

I think he may be having some technical problems.

In the meantime, Hannah or Karen, one of you want to take that question from Lisa.

[Other language spoken]

We're seeing more and more attacks on civilians.

The types of attacks have changed.

They're now essentially much more targeted attacks, assassinations, people being kidnapped for for extortion, for ransom, people being attacked to silence criticism.

Part of it is fighting amongst the armed groups.

We saw obviously a struggle for control over the Idlib, the last area where the government is, is not in control.

There was fighting between the groups and within that fighting between the armed groups, civilians were, as always, caught in the fire.

But we're also seeing much more deliberate, individualised attacks on civilians and we're particularly concerned women and young girls are being targeted more and more.

The reports on rapes and detention have risen quite a bit.

We report in the report, we talk about this in regard to the Syrian National Army.

And in in we have one incident where we talk about the minor that was raped in front of men.

You know, signals are being sent to intimidate and and to and to frighten opponents etcetera.

[Other language spoken]

No, I think maybe for ease of reference if if our Karen, maybe if you did you want something to add something on that?

[Other language spoken]

I think maybe for ease of reference, Francois, we could allow them to on the commissioner to unmute themselves or if maybe and if not, maybe just put your finger up if you want to jump in.

[Other language spoken]

Laurent Ciero of Swiss News Agency, we have a question.

[Other language spoken]

Yeah, Thanks, Rolando.

Hi, everyone.

I'd like to come back to one of the recommendations you make in your report concerning Turkey.

When you you recommend Turkey in a way to better control the Syrian National Army and and its behaviour on the ground.

Don't you think that might, could lead, that might lead to a stronger presence by Turkey itself and in a way fragilize the balance between the different countries on the ground?

[Other language spoken]

Thanks, Leron.

OK, I think Hani, you want to take the Yeah, I'll jump in.

I mean, the reality is Turkey has a lot of influence and, and frankly, we are frustrated that Turkey could be doing more to bring these armed groups that it has supported, funded, trained, allowed to enter Syria from Turkey.

Whilst we, you know, we can't say Turkey is in charge of them and, and issues orders and has command control over them.

We think that it could use it's influence much more to bring them into check and certainly to pressure them to decease from the violations that have been committed to investigate them.

And we know there's the Syrian National Army, for example, is conducting some investigations, but they're really not sufficient and they're not going far enough.

And the violations as we reported are actually increasing on the ground.

[Other language spoken]

Maybe we can move to the next question from Moussa, from Almayydin.

[Other language spoken]

And Francais, if you will.

San Francais, we Daco.

[Other language spoken]

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If I understood correctly, the question was on the the sort of negative impact of the of the role of the United States in sanctions in in Syria, so to speak up.

Yes, that's right.

[Other language spoken]

We are very concerned.

I mean, if you look at Syria today, the economy is in is in tatters and that's as much the conflict, but we feel it's also the impact of the of the sanctions.

You know, 9.3 million Syrians are are now, you know, don't know where their next meal is going to come from, food insecure as they call them.

So, so we are very worried that sanctions need to be looked at and to ensure that they're not adding to the misery that the Syrian population is living in.

You know, we understand, of course, Syrians by and large want to get to get rid of an oppressive regime and may see sanctions as the way that could bring the regime down.

But we are concerned that the suffering of the civilian population at large should not be the price that's being paid to, to to get rid of the regime.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you so much, honey.

[Other language spoken]

I think we could move on to Laurent 0 for another question from Laurent.

[Other language spoken]

So you mentioned the increase of attacks targeting civilians.

In what way COVID has been also maybe used by some of the parties as a weapon.

It might be in terms of access to, to health services or or other components in what way might have might have be used as a, as a weapon against civilians.

OK, who would like to take that one in COVID?

Maybe I'll jump in, go right ahead.

And there, there's been restrictions on movements in in various parts of the country, you know, by the by the government of Syria, but also in the North East and in the northwest.

And, you know, that's needed, of course, to try and bring control over the of the virus.

But we're worried also that it's being used by, by all parties in essence, to, to control the movement of the population, to prevent return of people to their homes.

And the checkpoints that are supposedly in place to to prevent movement in terms of controlling the the virus are often being used to then detain people and harass people who are trying to to move for legitimate reasons.

Thank you, Hanny.

We'll move right away to Lisa for another question.

[Other language spoken]

Right.

I'd like to know whether **** is being used as a weapon of war and if so, by whom, All parties or not.

Now, who is most culpable for for the abuses?

Is it the government there?

You say there are no clean hands, but who's most involved in committing these abuses?

And then finally, I'd like to you mentioned that the ceasefire right now appears to be holding.

Do you see this war sputtering on for a very long time?

That is that, that nobody has an ability to somehow put order in anyone's houses and that you can imagine it going on in specific enclaves throughout the country for for years.

In which case the, the the kind of efforts to create some sort of a political settlement via the well, the constitutional committee right now really seems to be a, an exercise in futility.

How, how do you see it ending?

[Other language spoken]

So we have a couple of questions there.

Who wants to tackle that?

How do you want to you want to start this off?

[Other language spoken]

I mean, on the question of ****, we are concerned then you'll see in the report that we've seen an increase in the last six months, particularly in, in areas controlled by the SNA and other armed groups, but particularly with the SNA.

As we say in the report, we, we fear that there are linkages between **** and, and as we say in the report, some sort of sectarian undertones.

I don't think we've yet gone as far as to say it's being used as a weapon of, of war, but we are concerned.

And then the report we, we say in particular, for example, in the month of February, we had 30 reports of ****.

And that's quite alarming that, you know, in an area controlled by an armed group, you have such, such large, such large numbers of reports.

You know, in the past we we were reporting on sexual and gender based violence being used to intimidate, to get confessions, to force people to to to hand themselves in, etcetera.

[Other language spoken]

We're seeing this is being used to instil fear and it's being used against particular groups.

We need to do more into this.

But the trends are really quite worrying and particularly in in the area where the SDNA is in control.

As to the, as to the war itself and where is it going, I think I'd be the last one to want to predict.

So you know, where this war, it's now, you know, over 9 years we've been monitoring it.

We were hoping it obviously it would end a lot sooner.

We keep, you know, we keep hoping that the end is insight.

But certainly we've supported the special Envoy, Gary Pederson and the Secretary General in calling for an immediate ceasefire because that's the first step, you know, and that could happen anytime now really, you know, the conflict they, you know, Peter on in terms of the the grievances and the issues where people are are not in in agreement with each other, you know, can go on arguing about it.

But if we can get a ceasefire, that will both help in tackling the pandemic and it will also help the peace talks to go forward.

[Other language spoken]

Yeah, indeed.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you, honey, for that.

[Other language spoken]

We have a question now from Alan Kavala of LeMond.

Alan, if we can unmute him, please.

[Other language spoken]

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[Other language spoken]

OK, we have another question from Musa and then afterwards we have Jamie Keaton from AP Musa.

[Other language spoken]

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[Other language spoken]

The question is on, on the materials being used with with the IEDs and yeah, first part yeah, yeah.

I mean, I, I can't say much on, on the materials being used nor can we really say too much about who's responsible for these explosions and car bombs and assassinations.

And it seems there are many hands involved and we continue to try to investigate.

But the attacks have been on on sort of, you know, pro government people and also critics of the government and the same with the armed groups.

So the pictures is quite alarming in that, you know, for for the civilian population means insecurity and that they're basically hostage to, to the fighting between between the groups.

On the question of the of the people who've been transferred to Turkey, That's of course a very serious development that in a conflict, people are detained and taken across an international border.

I don't have any updates on on what's happened to them in terms of being put on trial and consequences in Turkey.

But the fact that people are being Syrians, are being taken out of their country into another country is is a great concern to us and we will continue to investigate what's going on.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you, honey.

We have maybe time for two last questions before we wrap up from Jamie AP the nick from New York Times.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you very much.

Just wanted to, I noticed in your report that you mentioned some of the detention holding of Yazidi women in particular by the SNA forces.

And as we all know that Yazidi suffered a lot of abuses and violations, **** and whatnot at the hands of ISIS.

I guess what I'm just wondering is how concerned are you that this may be yet another bout of mistreatment for the for the Yazidis on a, on a broader scale or, you know, are these just do you consider that they're just pockets of, of problems at the moment?

Right.

[Other language spoken]

Jamie, who wants to tackle that one on Yazidis, the the the mooring trends.

Hani, do you want to start off right?

[Other language spoken]

Just the first part of the question.

I didn't quite hear it was a sorry, I was just talking about the report in paragraphs 55 and 56, you mentioned that the Syrian national Armed forces have held Kurdish, I mean, sorry, Yazidi and Kurdish women.

And I'm just wondering how concerned you are that, that the Yazidi women who suffered so much from, from ISIL may now be facing another round, another bout, Right, right, yes, it, I mean, we are very concerned and you know, I can't say we, we see clearly, you know, trends in, in terms of policies, but we are very concerned that the and not just the, the Yazidi women, but, but since you're asking about them, you know, the situation has has, you know, been unbearable really for the Yazidi women and girls who are still in Syria, their faith undefined.

You know, we've had reports, some of them are even hiding amongst women who are supporters of the Islamic State because they fear either reprisals from their own community or from the, from the SDF.

So generally, you know, that, that whole picture of, you know, if you looked at the whole camp, for example, 6060 thousand women, children, you know, elderly men, interns, you know, 18 months down the road in awful conditions, their legal status really not very clear.

You know, we've seen of course, the, the, the, the SDF has started taking some steps to deal with the issue and there have been a number of people who have been returned into the community or released from, from this internment.

But when we're talking about, you know, 60,000 people 18 months down the road, you know, really this is going too, too slowly and, and clearly the international community needs to help the SDF in, in, in this situation.

And the first step here is primarily, as we've said in the report, that the states should back, should take back their own nationals.

That will at least bring the numbers down, but also begin helping to unravel this, this problem.

And I'll stop there.

[Other language spoken]

Sorry.

Thank you, honey.

I think maybe we can turn to the last question as we're running out of time.

Nick from New York Times.

[Other language spoken]

Nick, if we can unmute him now, try again.

[Other language spoken]

How's that?

[Other language spoken]

In fact, you won't use the phrase occupation for the Turkish presence in northern Syria.

To what extent have you determined that the SNA is acting directly on instruction from Turkish authorities and the degree of complicity, therefore, of Turkey in the abuses that the SNA is committing?

I mean, we have people, as you report, being transferred directly to Turkey.

That's not random.

That seems to be pretty systematic.

And uh, we have clearly military, Turkish military presence on the ground in areas where abuses are being committed.

So then I just want to clarify a little bit the extent of the implication there.

Secondly, in the South in Dorough and Kunetra, to what extent are the targeted killings do you think systematically taking revenge essentially on humanitarian workers who may have assisted opposition groups in the South during the period of resistance there?

OK, two questions from from New York Times.

Who so we can turn maybe whom the degree of complicity in Turkey and then from the target attacks in the South.

OK, honey, yes, if we could.

[Other language spoken]

Just unmuting, there's fire engines going around outside.

[Other language spoken]

We've been looking obviously quite closely at what's been happening with the SNA and the relationship with Turkey.

And as we've said before, you know, Turkey has in some respects trained, supported, armed and help the SNA return to Syrian territory and take control.

But Turkey all the time has been saying we are assisting Syrians in their battle with their oppressive regime.

And we are not occupiers and we're not in control.

And it's been very difficult to pin down and to be able to, you know, reach the conclusion that, you know, you're talking about Nick and in terms of Turkey is giving the marching orders or is actually, you know, pulling the strings and and these people are acting on its behalf.

The picture is much more for us.

The picture is much more.

But you know, since Turkey has so much influence, it really ought to be able to say to the SNA and others, you know, you don't have a carte blanche to be committing war crimes, crimes against humanity, violations against the civilian population.

And if you continue to do so, there will be consequences.

And that's where we would like to see Turkey take a much stronger position vis A vis these groups.

The the questions around occupation, etcetera, I think are a little bit beyond our, our mandate.

And, and I think we've tried to stay away from those types of discussions because there are so many international hands involved in Syria.

I think we, we have our, we have enough on our plates trying to identify the violations that were being committed on the ground and, and identifying the, the perpetrators.

The, the situation in the South is, is very worrying because we've seen again, assassinations, the numbers of assassinations go up dramatically.

You know, people report usually people on motorcycles coming by and and shooting the targeted individuals.

It's been difficult again to pinpoint who's responsible.

We feel that the Syrian authorities have not investigated enough the situation since since this is an area that's back under the control of the authorities, we feel that they ought to be doing more in terms of investigating and identifying perpetrators.

But it's again, a sign of growing insecurity in the country that targeted assassinations are are are beginning to spread.

Scores are being settled and the civilian population again suffers.

And at this point, you know, when we're talking about any, any return to to sort of normality in in areas controlled by the Syrian, by the Syrian government and possibly for refugees or ID PS to return that level of insecurity is really very discouraging for any form of, of return.

Thank you, thank you, thank you, honey.

[Other language spoken]

We can end the Q&A there.

I think maybe Karen, you had some remarks you wanted to deliver at the end, if please go ahead.

Yes, thank you, Fernanda.

In fact, my first remark was going to be something that I think has been covered already by the questions, which was to say that this report that we've launched today covers just a fraction of the violations which are suffered by Syrian civilians of the armed actors themselves impose daily indignity.

It's on many of those who have pushed out or left behind or trying to pick up the pieces of their former lives amongst the fighting, the corruption restrictions and diversion of aid, the direction and chilling impact of sanctions.

And now the reports and the steep resides revised in COVID-19 cases, as it's also been referred to, the needs of the civilians are just increasing and more must be done for those who are deemed to be in need to figure out how is the problem.

And we're approaching the 9th, the 10th anniversary of the conflict.

And our report on very unfortunately shows that the same patterns of violence and human rights abuses that prompted the protests originally and sparked the conflict are now practised by almost all the armed actors in Syria.

A blatant disregard for minimal human rights standards, collectively defined as essential by the international community, has taken root among all parties to the conflict.

And there's a continuing race to the bottom, let's say, regarding respect for the rights of Syrians who need not and should not continue.

The resolution of this conflict might be quite distant still, but it's important to note that steps have been taken to move the peace process forward.

We still need to attend to realising resources and political way to sustain and strengthen this momentum toward lasting peace, we hope, and meaningful accountability with blood on so many hands.

This is not a simple task, but respect for basic human rights and dignity must be an essential part of the solution.

There must be accountability for the staggering number of crimes committed and lives lost or shattered by this conflict.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you, Karen, for those very important messages.

And to Paolo and Hani as well for joining us.

And of course, to you colleagues, for joining us at this virtual press conference.

Simply to remind you that the Commission of Inquiry will present this report launched today to the Human Arts Council on the 22nd of September.

[Other language spoken]

And we will share with you as promised, the remarks, the opening remarks that were delivered at the onset of this press conference.

So thanks again and have a good afternoon you, Miranda.

Thank you, everyone.

[Other language spoken]