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[Other language spoken]

Welcome to the press briefing of the UN Information Service in Geneva.

Today is Friday 28th of November and I'd like to start immediately by giving the floor to Kathleen for who has a short announcement the Rappers Institute about the go for commerce finance economy Mondial.

He'll explore the different crease E como El interdependent como El remodel economy Mondial at University College Ireland Professor Mariana.

None briefing.

Don't Minaj Comprezia de Materni de Madrid for who presented Florence.

I'm sorry, I have to switch to English back to introduce you to Florence Gillette, who is the head of delegation in South Sudan of the ICRC to tell us about humanitarian situation in the Florence.

You have the floor.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you very much.

Good morning, everyone.

While most of the media attention is on the Ukraine, on Gaza or on Sudan, we have many crises around the world that gets a bit forgotten.

In South Sudan is one of them.

I have just finished a mission of 2 1/2 years as head of delegation of the ICRC in South Sudan, a country that I know well because I was posted there in 2012 and 13 and followed it from 14 to 16.

And unfortunately, what I've been able to witness is a situation that continues to degrade and drastically.

Of course, a lot of you see South Sudan as a neighbour of Sudan and look at South Sudan as the crisis in South Sudan as a in effect or of the crisis in Sudan.

It's true that Sudan and South Sudan remain conjoined twins that were separated in 2011 and that any shock that affects Sudan effects South Sudan and vice versa.

Those shocks are many.

One of them is more than 1.2 million people who have fled the conflict in Sudan who are now in South Sudan in dire conditions.

Many of them arrived straight from the battlefield in Sudan in very bad state, an orphaned victim of severe violation of international humanitarian law.

However, in addition, what remains a bit of the radar is that the conflict between the SPLM government of Salva Kiir and the SPLM in opposition of Freek Machar has re escalated since the beginning of the year in spite of the utilised peace agreement that was signed in 2018.

The peace the peace process is stalled but more importantly hostilities are ongoing throughout the country.

We now have 7 out of 10 states that have experienced hostilities that also see a new development in the means and methods of warfare that are being used with an increased use of IAL means, aircraft, barrel bombs, incendiary bombs, gunships and drones.

Those hostilities on the ground have killed and injured many, but they also displaced close to half a million people so far since the beginning of the year.

And those displacements are linked to a severe violation of IHL and the fact that there is a lack of discrimination between the protected population and those taking part in the hostilities.

It's very difficult to have reliable statistic in South Sudan that you know, as you know, is a very remote country with limited access to information.

However, what we can say as ICRC is that so far, since the beginning of the year and until the end of the year, we will have treated or we have treated nearly 1000 severely injured war wounded in South Sudan in four different locations.

And that's the number of wounded continue to increase every day.

Those are only the tip of the iceberg.

There are many other people wounded who can't reach access to surgical care.

And there are some lighter wounded who are treated by by a few others.

We also supported the treatment of 200 were wounded in Ethiopia as they fled from South Sudan to Ethiopia.

We also see that the population who are displaced are in very dire situation, often in places where they have no access to water, no access to healthcare, no access to education.

Health facilities in in South Sudan have undergone this drastic reduction as they are highly dependent on the international assistance and they have struggled to get enough funding from the government.

The number of health structures has been divided several times in the last 2 1/2 years.

It's today still a major challenge for any child or woman to to seek access to healthcare, to get access to paracetamol or antimalaya in a country that is highly affected.

Coming back to the surgery, it's important to know that well in ICRC, the ICRC has conducted more than 25,000 surgeries on more than 5000 weapon wounded in the past eight years.

So it's still a very active battlefield and we it's, it shows how dire the impact can be.

There are very few other actors able to do war surgery in in South Sudan.

We also see a situation that is dire for people with disabilities and are in cooperation with the Ministry of Gender, Child and Social Welfare.

We support 3 centres in South Sudan that have taken care of 3700 people with disabilities this year, but also that now does outreach in the field, in particular to reach out to the people who are fleeing Sudan, whether they're Sudanese or South Sudanese who lost their mobility device or need additional support as they reach South Sudan.

Behind those figures, I think it's important to to keep in mind that there is really a worsening humanitarian situation in South Sudan.

I've not mentioned the level of food insecurity which is extremely high.

We are at 57% of the population which is in IPC 3 or above.

And this number is only perceived as growing in the next month and with very limited access to those population linked to the remoteness of those population in security and other challenges.

Of course, this is further exacerbated by the drastic cuts in both humanitarian and development aids that we are seeing in a country that has been largely dependent on foreign assistance.

You can see some of the examples of what I discussed in Navy News that we have shared this this morning, including in regards to war surgery and, and the situation of those patients who have sometimes to wait days before that we can find a way to transfer them to a proper facilities and the challenges they face.

Thank you very much for your interest.

Thank you very much, Florence, for this update.

[Other language spoken]

It's true that we need to keep talking about this crisis even if they're not always on the spotlight.

Any question to ICRC?

[Other language spoken]

You mentioned the increased use of aerial weapons, barrel bombs, drones, etcetera.

I was just wondering if you have any idea where they're coming from at all and any more about the trend and how it's changed over your time in South Sudan?

[Other language spoken]

Sorry.

Thank you very much for the question.

It's a, it's a, it's a, it's an interesting, it's a good question because as we know, there are limited means that are available to the weapon bearers in South Sudan, at least officially.

Yes, they are coming from most likely private companies and being rented.

That's what we we understand so far.

They are not very sophisticated, but it creates a a challenge.

But of course some of those weapons are creating are creating real concerns for the population definitely.

And they also create concerns also for humanitarian actors because the sky of South Sudan that was relatively clear of this type of objects and was mainly flown by a a few private contractor and by mainly humanitarian flights is, has now changed.

So what it means is also that we need to coordinate much closely here with the armed forces, you know, to be able to fly around and to access certain areas.

We also have to ensure that we negotiate windows of one or two days when we have to go and collect wounded, for instance, or deploy teams.

We also have to be very clear, the level of armaments is not as sophisticated and far from being in also as numerous as we will see in Sudan.

But there is also that's something to keep an eye upon because of course we know that the sky in Sudan is also much busier than it was and much more complex.

Still, there is a difference that in South Sudan humanitarian flight can still fly.

It's we are not at the in a situation as dire as in Sudan, but still challenging.

So yes, you can find whatever you, you know, many actors can find whatever they want in terms of weapons and and planes and too many private contractors.

Thank you very much.

[Other language spoken]

Yeah, thanks for the briefing.

Just first, you mentioned that I think some notes were sent earlier today.

I haven't seen that in my e-mail.

So that it would be good to get get those.

And then also I had a question about talking about the cuts to aid the humanitarian funding.

Could you say a little bit more about the specific impacts, if you could sort of detail and what the implication is going to be within the next?

Year, for instance.

For the ICRC is important to understand that the ICRC made the choice not to cut too much this year and use part of our own earmarked funds globally because of the severity and seriousness of the situation in South Sudan.

We had major cuts two years ago which drove us to withdraw largely from, for instance, basic health care and also I would say more activities aiming at relaunching a long term livelihood.

But this year we've been able to respond to the new developments because we we, we got supported by our headquarters.

It's more, I would say in a way it's more of question for the UN agencies and the UN system as well as the INGOS who are working in South Sudan.

But what we have seen is a very drastic reduction of humanitarian assistance in the last three years.

And we feel what's coming up next year and what it means that there has been already in the last two to three years and there will be further ultra prioritisation.

And it's extremely difficult to do this ultra prioritisation in a context with the IPC level I shared with you, in a context where most people can't access basic healthcare.

[Other language spoken]

We are also highly concerned and together and with other actors because there is less and less support for the response to sexual violence, for instance, as I see, I see we tried to maintain our response, but it's a it's a major challenge.

So, and the problem is, is there is a limited alternative because unfortunately there is the budget of the of of the government is very limited and very little goes to basic services.

There will be an impact in terms of mortality and morbidity, which is very difficult to measure.

Yet we also have to see that the downsizing of UDMIS will affect the humanitarian assistance and the protection of civilians.

As you know, the UDMIS has amongst its four main priorities a major objective on protection of civilians which require a lot of means.

They have provided physical and non physical protection to civilians and this is going to be affected by the cuts on which is which are quite drastic and also for other actors not so much for the ICRC.

What we see is that there is a big challenge on how they're going to support the security management support to UN agencies and ING OS that they have been providing for a long time and also the logistics support.

Not all the data is yet available on what we would see next year.

But what we can already see this ultra prioritisation whole area of South Sudan have been left behind in in a way because there was maybe the indicators were less, the vulnerability indicator were not as bad.

The problem is that the conflict has now hit those areas.

I'm thinking particularly about the three quarter areas in the South where the ICRC always remained that where we have seen all the humanitarian actor moving away from whilst you still had some development actors who now will face are facing challenges in working in a conflict area and we see some of that in part of the by Gaza also.

Thank you very much.

I don't see other handset none on the platform.

So thank you very much for coming and telling us and thanks for all the work you've done during this 2 1/2 year.

And thanks also to John.

If you could eventually send the notes I'm seeing in the in the chat the journalists are asking.

Thank you very much.

[Other language spoken]

Jeremy is with us and with quite a few items.

But maybe we will start immediately with Myanmar as we have on the line from Bangkok.

[Other language spoken]

I hope you can see us and hear us.

[Other language spoken]

Hello, welcome to the press briefing.

Thank you very much for connecting to tell us about the upcoming elections in Myanmar, which are of concerns to your office.

[Other language spoken]

And Jeremy, Oh no, you want to start Oxide, Sorry, Let Jeremy start and then welcome to you, Jeremy.

OK, Thanks Alexandra, and good morning everyone.

Next month, some of the people of Myanmar will start voting in an election imposed by the junta.

This military controlled ballot will be conducted in an atmosphere rife with threats and violence, putting the lives of civilians at risk.

The growing insecurity and the lack of measures to protect civilians raise serious concerns about the safety of voters who choose or are forced to participate.

These elections are also taking place in an environment in which the military is actively suppressing participation.

Many major political parties are excluded and over 30,000 of the military's political opponents, including members of the democratically elected government and political representatives, have been detained since 2021.

Discrimination also looms large in the electoral process, with Rohingya, Tamils, Gurkhas and Chinese, among others, excluded from voting.

Civil society and independent media have little to no voice.

The military has stepped up mass electronic surveillance to identify dissidents, and there are fears this will be used at the polling stations.

Additionally, the military lacks control over large areas of the country and it will be unable to cover the entire country in a meaningful and representative manner.

Some 56 townships in which martial law declarations remain active will be excluded.

Some 31 townships in the first round alone will have no actual voting due to the absence of candidates.

Far from being a process that could spearhead a political transition from crisis to suitability and the restoration of democratic civilian rule, this process seems nearly certain to further ingrain insecurity, fear and polarisation throughout the country.

The utmost priority must be to end the violence and ensure the flow of humanitarian aid.

Given the situation, it is also egregious for any state to forcibly return Myanmar nationals who fled the country in fear.

Against this backdrop of very serious human rights violations, the High Commissioner urges the United States to reconsider its plan to end its Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, programme with respect to Myanmar.

As Alexandra said, today, we are joined by James Rhodover from Bangkok.

James is the head of our Myanmar team and he will further elaborate on the human rights situation on the ground ahead of the the vote.

Over to you, James.

Thanks very much James.

It's always a pleasure to to join you and and thank you for the introduction.

Today marks one month before the first phase of the military selection scheme.

Before it comes to a head, early voting has already begun.

In some parts of the country, people can be publicly issuing a short briefing paper that encapsulates the human rights concerns we have linked to this process.

We have to supplement that paper with updates during the course of December for the 20 December Election Day dawns.

She just heard there are a number of concerns about holding those in the present environment in Newmark.

This crisis has been unravelling for almost five years.

What yesterday the military planes that they have issued pardons?

James, I'm sorry, but we hear you very, very badly.

I don't know if it's something that we can solve, if you have any way to maybe maybe without the video.

I'm not sure I can try.

Perhaps a microphone?

You want maybe just try to disconnect and reconnect again.

Would it be possible because we really very, very badly or maybe without the camera?

If, if I may say so, I'm looking at my colleagues in OK, OK, so he's reconnecting.

[Other language spoken]

Let's see if he has been able.

I think we have some issues because I'm seeing lots of chat in the chat, lots of messages that say that we have problems with the sound, but also from the podium.

Hello, can you hear me better now?

Yes, yes, indeed.

Sorry.

Would you mind eventually to start again because we really didn't hear the beginning?

[Other language spoken]

I just wanted to, you know, thank you all for being here and for allowing me to come to this.

I always enjoy coming to these press briefings, and I just wanted to start by saying that today marks, you know, one month before the first phase of the military's election scheme comes to a head.

Early voting has already begun in some parts of the country.

We will soon be publicly issuing a short briefing paper that encapsulates the main human rights concerns we have about this election process and then we hope to select supplement that paper during the course of December with updates before the 28th December 1st phase Election Day.

As you just heard, there are a number of concerns about holding a vote in the present environment in Myanmar.

This crisis has been unravelling for almost five years.

Yesterday, the military claimed that they had issued pardons, some 4000 of whom were issued to dissidents who had been charged or convicted of sedition or incitement.

It is important to note, however, that the military has issued announcements of pardons or commutations in past, but rarely do the numbers released you know by the military match those who actually are allowed to leave prisons, particularly the numbers of political detainees who are allowed to leave detention centres.

At the same time, the military is boasting of over 100 persons it claims to have arrested under its newly imposed election protection rules.

While we are still investigating these claims, we have credible information showing that among the dozens who have been arrested, it includes 3 young people who hung up posters depicting a ballot box with a bullet.

They reportedly received 49 years in prison as their sentence for hanging up these posters.

It underscores the numbers that you heard in the statement.

Over 30,000 people have been arbitrarily arrested for expressing political dissent.

Even if these pardons are true, it underscores that nearly 22,000 remain in detention.

These are people who should never have been detained at all.

We are also investigating claims from displaced persons that they are being ordered by the military to return to their villages to vote.

Some groups have been targeted in air strikes and told you must return to town.

If you do not, we will continue to bomb you.

In some contested areas, villagers are being forced to attend military trainings on how to use electronic voting machines.

After such training, some participants were warned by armed groups not to vote.

We are also investigating an armed group called the Yangon Army who claimed responsibility for bombing a public office in North Okalapa, a suburb of Yangon where election staff were working, several of whom were injured.

High Commissioner Volcker Turk said it best two weeks ago when he told the AFP in an interview.

To hold elections under these circumstances is unfathomable.

How anyone can say they're free and fair and how they can be can even be conducted when considerable parts of the country are actually not in anyone's control.

And with the military being a party to the conflict and having suppressed its population for years, he is not alone in voicing concerns over the poll.

The secretary general just in early October, in addressing ASEAN warned under the current circumstances, any elections risk further exclusion and instability.

And I think the examples I just gave you show that the military is being heavy-handed in encouraging voting and the it's armed opposition is being very aggressive and discouraging voting.

So it is a a very fraught process where civilians are the ones caught in the middle.

Thank you very much and I'm happy to take any questions.

Thank you, James, and thanks to Jeremy for the initial briefing.

I'll open the first questions now.

Theresa, another Wansi.

Thank you, Alessandra for taking my question.

I just wanted to ask as they there are already heavy concerns about this legitimacy of this upcoming elections.

And if I'm not wrong, you say, James, the human rights office have a plan to monitor and document potential abuses during this process.

And how this going to happen under this strict situation of the current situation?

And also if the election proceed under this conditions, what next steps does human rights offers foresee in terms of accountability, humanitarian aid and also protections of civilians?

I also have another question, but it's on another topic, so I can maybe wait until the end.

Yeah, if it's a totally different subject.

Yeah, let's wait until the end.

So, James, you want to take this this question from the Turkish newsagents?

[Other language spoken]

Well, my, my team, we have a, a very, you know, well established track record in monitoring events on the ground inside of Myanmar.

And we are, we of course, for a long time have been monitoring the way in which the conflict is intensifying or is or is playing out on the ground and the way in which it's impacting civilians.

We talk to people on the ground.

We find various ways of conducting interviews with victims and eyewitnesses in order to meet a standard of proof.

So we do not in any way water down our process.

We try only to to report, particularly in our public reporting, things that we've been able to verify to a legal standard.

So we do intend to keep trying to to show how the protection of civilians is being eroded by forcing an election in a situation where simply it's it's, you know, very difficult to see how a free and fair election can take place, as the High Commissioner said.

So we do intend to keep doing that.

Now in making these reports, we of course hope to share as much information as we can with the public because of course, member states need to be part of the the process and holding the Myanmar military to account.

And that means not, you know, extending legitimacy to them, particularly in a situation where this crisis was of their own making.

They are the ones who launched a coup in 2021.

They are the ones who made the decision to start a campaign of violently suppressing dissent.

And they, of course, have launched, been launching large scale attacks against their own population, particularly civilians, rather steadily over the last four years.

So we, we need the help of member states to keep holding them accountable politically.

And then of course, when it comes to legal accountability, we are constantly, you know, as they say, gathering information to a legal standard that we hope one day will be used to hold perpetrators of violations accountable.

The the other thing you ask about, of course, this is one of the, the biggest questions in this entire crisis, which is access for humanitarians on the ground.

And the Myanmar military has for several years had a strategy of of denying humanitarian access in particularly in areas impacted by conflict.

And so your humanitarian access is severely constrained in the run up to the election constraints are are in some ways even intensifying because, you know, movement restrictions are put in place.

There's been a proliferation of checkpoints, particularly on main travel routes that that civilians take.

So, you know, and, and of course civilians are being, you know, they're, they're trying to force them to return to villages just so that they're there in time to vote, even if that means returning home in complete insecurity.

And so these are all issues and questions that impacts humanitarian aid.

It impacts protection of civilians, it impacts the situation in the country in terms of political stability.

Thank you very much, James.

Nina Larson, AFP yeah, thanks James for the briefing.

Just on your last point of the people being forced back to their villages to vote, what could you say a bit more about what the impact you expect that might have on on humanitarian on humanitarian situation if you have, you know, what are the fears around that?

And then also in terms of the call to not, not hold this election in these circumstances, have you had any response from the authorities to your concerns or from other countries how they might react to?

This thanks.

Well, the, the, I mean, I think that the impact is that of course, that, that you're right now, the way the, the, the conflict is playing out is that you of course have a lot of heavy weaponry being used that, that in effect is driving people out of their homes.

It, it's really, in some ways it's very, it's a very fluid situation.

In some cases, civilians are being driven out of their homes.

In some cases, shortly after they're driven out, they're being encouraged to come back.

But, but even some individuals who try to return to their homes just to gather supplies discover that their villages have been burned or that the damage to their homes is, is is very severe.

So the question is, OK, you might be able to go back to a village, but it's still going to be in a position where you don't have a secure shelter.

The area may not have been cleared of ordinance.

And and of course, the ability of humanitarians to get to areas is extremely constrained.

And this goes back to to again, the ability of humanitarians to go to conflict affected areas, their ability to deliver the kind of assistance that's needed most, whether or not needs assessments have been able to take place or not.

But then, you know, there are also, you know, other issues that arrive in, arise in, in including whether you know, the supplies are actually available to take to those areas.

Because of course, the, the amount of, of humanitarian assistance that is available has been severely impacted by the, the funding shortfalls and the reduction of assistance made available to humanitarians in, in Myanmar.

So the funding crisis is also has its own part to play.

So I think that all of these efforts in the end, just to have a poll that in the end is not going to drive a solution or improve the crisis.

It is going to perhaps make the humanitarian situation even more dire.

Thank you very much.

You have a sorry, no, there are several there are several follow-ups in Spanish new citizens.

You wanted to ask a question, Nina.

Sorry, it was just my my second question about how the government may have responded to.

Well, so far they, they have not really responded except for, you know, of course, publicly, you know, talking about, you know, they, that they're, you know, holding these, these elections that, you know, their transition is moving forward.

They, they feel that they are winning right now.

And their messaging, I think reflects that they're trying to act as if there's nothing to see here.

This is just a normal election in line with a crisis that is ending.

That's why we ended our state of emergency.

You know, they, the, the conflict is, is nearly over and, and they feel that they have won.

So they are pushing that narrative and with the help of some of their supporters, of course, they they have, they have agreed a few ceasefires that have that at least initially stopped fighting between groups in the military, even though even right now we see that that those, those ceasefire agreements are not holding very firm and the insecurity is increasing right now in those areas.

Emma, let me give the floor to the Spanish News Agency.

Wasn't spoken yet, and then I'll come to you, please.

[Other language spoken]

I'm Alicia from Spanish News Agency.

I wanted to ask James about the numbers from the pardoned people from the military government.

If you could clarify which are the numbers that the military government has given and which are the numbers that have actually left the prisons?

And also these new arbitrary detentions, the 30,000 have happened after the pardons or since when?

[Other language spoken]

That the, the number of 30,000, that's the number of people who have been who have been arbitrarily detained since the beginning of this crisis in February 2021.

Right now, the estimates or that or actually I should say the actual confirmed data is that it's almost 23,000 individuals that remain in detention.

Keeping you know in mind that there have been several individuals that have died in detention among these political detainees and the pardons were announced to impact.

It's a little under 4000 individuals that seem to fall into this category of people who were convicted of either incitement or sedition charges.

And so far we have heard that about 500 and about 549 or 559.

It's right in that range of numbers of people we've heard that have been seen leaving detention centres that were on these lists.

The only problem is, is that it's not always to confirm the names of the individuals that have been released.

So right now the numbers are still not certain, but, but those are the, the, the approximate numbers that they said have left so far.

Now, in the past, there have been several instances where pardons have been announced and then individuals will be told they're being released and then when they go to check out of the prison.

They're rearrested at the entrance of the prison and charged with something new.

So it's always sort of a bait and switch game that the military plays on these, this issue of detentions with political prisoners in particular.

[Other language spoken]

Just hoping for another a bit more elaboration on the detail of what you said.

In some contested areas, villages are being forced to attend military trainings on how to use electronic voting machines.

[Other language spoken]

It's it's hard for me to imagine.

And what evidence do you have of that?

Is it testimonies or footage and where and on what scale, please?

[Other language spoken]

Well, we've gotten you right now.

We are investigating reports of this in particular because, you know, some of these people that have, you know, sent us allegations or claims that we're looking into are telling us that shortly after they go through these sort of, you know, sessions where they are taught how to use these machines, that then they are approached by the armed groups in the area and, and told to stop.

You know, this has happened in, in Mon State.

I'm just looking here at the different, we're, we're following up on several reports of this.

I would just add, but I'm just looking at the, the different locations, some in Mon State, some in Cayenne and in Lacio, which is in, you know, Shawn State.

And it's not surprising that this takes place.

I would add, because the, the, the Union Election Commission, which is the body that sort of runs the elections, which is entirely controlled by the military, they made a point of choosing that this ballot will only be done by electronic voting machine.

And this of course is one of the human rights concerns that we have, that first of all, that these electronic voting machines in the demonstrations they've had of them, we, we have heard that there is no possibility to spoil your ballot.

You can't decide to not cast your ballot or to choose a blank and and just leave your ballot blank or spoil it in some way.

In order to register dissent or or or protest vote, you have to vote for one of the candidates listed.

And so that's one thing.

The other thing is, is that the military has introduced a wide range of electronic surveillance throughout the country utilising AI biometric tracking.

And, and they have these this, this, these systems to track where individuals are going, where they're at, checking them in at everywhere from bus terminals to train stations to checkpoints.

And that's how they're also rounding up dissidents and people that, you know, even for, for opposition actions like that in 2022 that they liked anti military posts on Facebook.

That's what people are being arrested for activities like that.

And and so there's a real worry that this electronic surveillance technology is going to be used to monitor how people are voting.

And that so that when people are sort of forced to go and cast a ballot, that it, it's going to they're going to then know who they voted for or if they voted.

And then that also raises the added concern that then that information will also be easily, you know, found out by the armed opposition.

And so again, the civilian spear being caught between the two warring sides.

So we are trying to gather this information and, and to to confirm it.

As I say, we hope that we'll be able to give you a fuller update on the numbers of claims we have of this happening, where it's happening, that we'll be able to report that more fully in our updates during the course of December.

But right now, we're actively investigating those instances.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you very much, James.

Let me see if there is any other question to you.

I don't see any.

So thank you very much for the simple.

Please keep us informed how things will develop.

And thanks again for connecting from Bangkok.

My pleasure.

Thank you, Jeremy, you stay with us because you've got two more items.

We start with Pakistan, maybe, and then beige.

[Other language spoken]

I'll give you the floor to ask you a question to Jeremy later on, please.

[Other language spoken]

Thanks, Alessandra.

Pakistan's hastily adopted constitutional amendments seriously undermine judicial independence and raise grave concerns about military accountability and respect for the rule of law, UN human rights chief Volcker Turk is said in a statement issued this morning.

The latest constitutional amendment, like the 26th Amendment last year, had been adopted without broad consultation and debate with the legal community and wider civil society.

The amendments run counter to the separation of powers that underpin the rule of law and safeguard the protection of human rights in Pakistan.

Under the changes adopted on the 13th of November, a new Federal Constitutional Court or FCC has been given powers over constitutional cases, replacing the previous authority of the Supreme Court, which will now only deal with civil and criminal cases.

The systems for appointment and promotion and transfer of judges have been changed in a manner that raises serious concerns about undermining the structural independence of Pakistan's judiciary.

The first Chief Justice of the FCC and the first set of FCC judges have already been assigned by the president on the advice of the Prime Minister.

These changes taken together risk subjugating the judiciary to political interference and executive control.

Neither the executive nor legislative should be in a position to control or direct the judiciary, and the judiciary should be protected from any form of political influence in its decision making.

A core measure of judicial independence is a tribunal's insulation from political interference by the government.

If judges are not independent, experience shows that they struggle to apply the law equally and to uphold human rights for all in the face of political pressure.

The amendment also establishes lifetime immunity from criminal proceedings and arrest for the President, Field Marshall, Marshall of the Air Force and admirable Admiral of the Fleet.

Sweeping immunity provisions like these undermine accountability, which is a cornerstone of the human rights framework and democratic control of the armed forces under the rule of law.

We are concerned that these amendments risk far reaching consequences for the principles of democracy and the rule of law which the Pakistani people hold dear.

[Other language spoken]

Question from Pakistan, I don't see any hand up on the platform and either.

So maybe we will go to the other issue which is what we have seen in Janine, the killings that have just been reported.

[Other language spoken]

We're appalled by the brazen killing by Israeli border police yesterday of two Palestinian men in Jenin in the occupied West Bank.

In yet another apparent summary, execution killings of Palestinians by Israeli security forces and settlers in the occupied West Bank have been surging without any accountability, even in the rare case when investigations are announced.

Following yesterday's incident, which was caught on film by ATV Channel, an internal review was announced, but statements by a senior Israeli government official sought to absolve Israeli security forces of responsibility, raising serious concerns about the credibility of any further review or investigation conducted by an entity that is not fully independent from the government.

Our office has verified that since the 7th of October 2023 and up until the 27th of November of this year, Israeli forces and settlers killed 1030 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, including E Jerusalem.

Among these victims were 223 children.

Impunity for Israel security forces, unlawful use of force and ever growing Israeli settler violence must end.

The High Commissioner urges an independent, prompt and invest effective investigations into the killings of Palestinians and those responsible for violations must be held to account.

Yes, thank you very much, Jeremy.

I'll open the floor to question on this matter.

[Other language spoken]

Thanks, Jeremy.

I was hoping you could say something about sorry excuse.

Me, what the Mr Vengevier said about how I think he said terrorists should be killed.

Beyond not lending credibility to the investigation, what does this say about incitement to violence perhaps?

Or if you could just say a little bit more about that?

[Other language spoken]

Yes, we heard those comments and of course they need to be deplored because that is a response in any situation with such brutal use of force is nothing short of abhorrent.

There are mechanisms, there's rule of law, there's due process ways in which you handle cases.

You the solution is not to pull a gun and shoot.

Simple as that.

UN Geneva Press Briefing - 28 November 2025