Good afternoon, everyone, and thank you for joining us at the press briefing today.
Our speaker today is Miss Francesca Albanese.
She is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967.
The Special Rapporteur just presented her report to the 59th session of the Human Rights Council, titled From Economy of Occupation to economy of genocide.
We will begin with brief opening statements from the Special Rapporteur and she will then take questions.
Over to you, Miss Aveniz.
Thank you very much and good afternoon, everyone.
Bonjour, Tulmond, and those who are here and those who are following this press conference from afar.
And I'm sure you have heard or read through my report, my last report that reveals how corporate profiteering and monetary gain as enabled and legitimised Israel's illegal presence and action in the little that remains of historical Palestine, the occupied Palestinian territory.
What I I'm going to tell you paints a very grim picture in many respects.
I could have written this report two years ago and it would have been a fair exposure of the economy, of the occupation, made of two pillars, a pillar of displacement, a pillar of replacement, held together by an ecosystem of enablers, from financial actors to institutional knowledge production actors like universities and even charities.
So the system is such that today I say Palestine is a crime scene.
And actually, if it were a crime scene, it would have the fingerprints of all of us through what we purchase, which company we choose to insure our as a insurer for our car or our home and the banks where we put our money, the investments we make and so on and so forth.
And even universities where we, where we go, where we teach, which we are, of which we are alumni, including those whose islands silence debate around Palestine, claiming that there is not enough balance when denouncing genocide.
And by the way, both me and Agnes Calamar for what concerned the appalling decision of the University of Bern not to host a debate.
I mean, we were open to, to the university to, to invite any pro pro genocide scholar they could find.
It's their decision just to silence the debate.
However, if the genocide has not stopped, it's not just because there was an there has always been an economy of the occupation.
It's because the economy of the occupation has turned into an economy of genocide.
And so there have been people and organisations that have profited from the violence, the killing, the maiming, the destruction in Gaza and in other parts of the occupied Palestinian territory.
Because it's not that the the Palestinians in the West Bank and its Jerusalem are having the happiest time of their life as we speak.
In the past 20 months, while the Israeli army and accompanied by settlers was devastating Palestinian lives and landscapes, the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange soared by 213%, amassing over 220 billions in market gains, including 76.8 billion U.S.
dollars in the past month alone.
So clearly for some, genocide is profitable.
So what has happened is that the the infrastructure that was profiting from the economy of the occupation has transformed and assisted Israel in this, in this evolution.
The report I just presented builds on a database of over 1000 entities that I did didn't have the time to investigate with the depth and to analyse from a legal point of view with a rigour that I have for 48 companies along with their parents, subsidiaries, franchisees, licensees and consortium partners across the sectors.
However, if you read this report as a list, as another database which is which this doesn't, my report doesn't intend to be.
My report exposes a system, something that is so structural and so widespread and so systemic that there is no possibility to fix it and redress it.
It is to be dismantled and you know, had businesses and had the corporate sector observed due diligence, had it honoured its commitment to do due diligence even before October 7th, 2023, he would have disengaged completely and totally from its entanglement with the with the Israeli economy.
Because first of all, it's a fiction that there is a line dividing separating the good Israel within Israel and the bad Israel in the occupied territory.
Israel's economy is 1 and one only and encapsulates the colonies.
The colonies do not exist because some fringy part of the Israeli society is pioneering into the wild, Wild West Bank.
No, it's because this is resolving the housing crisis in Israel.
These people live and trying within a system that is so connected that it's part of the Israeli state.
And and also this is this is you can see that evidently when you look at the water grid, on the electricity grid, the occupied Palestinian territory does not exist as separate from Israel.
So I mean, member states can continue to reassure themselves that they may alimit prevent settlement goods from circulating in their markets, but this is not enough.
Actually it's just another, it would be another face saving solution because excuse me, when sanctions were imposed on apartheid South Africa, was it because of the crimes that and the violence and the racism and the discrimination and the apartheid that South Africa was imposing on its non white population or for just what South Africa was doing in the Bantustang?
Do you understand the performance of stupidity that we have all been part of for decades and now it's the time to stop?
If 60,000 people killed do not push us to taking seriously international obligations, then we're really, really beyond the pale.
So here's the here's what I what I conclude.
There is no, no possibility, no possibility to stepping out of this situation other than for Member States to do what the International Court of Justice demands through its ruling and through its provisional measures.
Imposing an arms embargo immediately is not about the asking for a ceasefire.
This is a genocidal campaign and it's clear.
And now it's either carried out under the pretence of humanitarian food distribution.
And we should learn really, to be to be honest, including yourself.
I mean, I've I've been really, really generous to the media because the first corporate entity to be investigated in this mandate was yours and it will come.
But again, now it's time for an arms arms embargo and it's time for businesses to cut ties with these.
The very fact of engaging in something that concerns and translates in the economic gain and profits.
It's problematic lest companies and their executives are ready to face responsibility and even criminal liability.
Thank you, Special rapporteur.
She will now take questions.
I will start in the room.
The the 48 companies that you name in your report is there.
Anything that you think the.
Customers of those companies ought to be doing thank you.
Sorry, I should have said before, we're going to take about four questions at a time and the special aperture will get to each one sequentially.
Would you like to repeat your question?
I'm sorry I was distracted because I apparently I misquoted a number.
I have someone, I have noticed I have dyslexia in numbers and they said 7076 billion.
This is what has been unmasked in one month.
I read the other, I apologise.
So what should consumers of these companies do?
First of all, I would like to clarify that the the first responsibility is not on the consumers.
I mean, of course, I think that we should be, we should wake up and realise that we are part of a system where we are all entangled and choices that we make in the UK or in Switzerland have an impact elsewhere in Congo and in Palestine for example.
So this is, it's good to be conscientious, but the, the, the first, the first.
And so it's important today to listen to those in the civil society, the scholars, the lawyers, investigative journalists who have exposed the entanglement of the companies we are clients of with with the occupation.
But the first responsibility remains with member state and then companies.
So companies who do not divest should be held accountable.
I do think that there is a possibility for consumers to to hold these companies accountable because we somewhat we, we vote through our wallet, right?
And therefore probably this year it's the the, the, the most modest contribution not to support the the erasure of Palestine is stopping normalising the occupation by a click.
So let's choose other ways to to plan our holidays that booking.com and Airbnb because they have normalised the occupation with a click.
They continue even at this time to advertise nice neighbourhoods in settlements.
Settlements are stolen land and profiting profiteering from the gains made in this way my amount to money laundering in certain jurisdictions, so we we have to choose better, but again, many responsibility States and companies.
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The question in the back and I think we have to move to some questions online soon after.
My name is Sato Kodachi, I work for Japanese daily newspaper.
Could you give us a sense of how many percent of the Israeli working preparation is engaged in either the economy of occupation or the economy of gun genocide?
I've not investigated that.
But approximately the entire population or?
The Israeli Work Federation?
Sorry, probably I didn't understand.
I just want to get a sense of the how many percent of the Israeli working populations are engaged in the either economy of the genocide or the economy of occupation?
So looking at the, at the surveys, I, I can tell you there is still a lot of support, ideological, political support for the choices the, the Israeli government is, is taking when it comes to making, when it comes to to Gaza.
There was Menk and is Jerusalem.
While there are, there are brave Israelis and international activists, the only ones who stand with their own body in between the soldiers, the armed settlers and the Palestinian villagers attacked, the majority is either inactive, indifferent or there.
And there is a significant part of the population which supports the the the the the most settler, the colonise, colonisation driven government, more explicitly colonisation driven government that that has ever led the state of Israel.
How many participate benefits from the economy in a state where there is not one sector other than the NGOs that stand against occupation, war crimes, apartheid, I cannot tell you.
But again, today, the, the, the, the, the, we should, as I said, we should stop looking at Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory as if they were two different entities.
And This is why I call for sanctions to be imposed on the states.
And this is something that hopefully will lead to an awakening of the of the Israeli society itself.
And I, I resent the limited engagement I have with this society.
And I want to make the point that the, the few times I've been asked for an interview by Israeli TV's that have been cancelled, I've been available even when they were late and then they have cancelled.
So there is no possibility for me to pass this messages.
But I do firmly believe that the Israeli society is also with very different sense of responsibility, part of the, I mean victimised by this apartheid because they are indoctrinated to a point of dehumanising the Palestinians and not recognising them as their peers.
And this is this is unfortunately a state endeavour that comes from afar.
We're just going to move to some questions online.
So the first one will be about the fact that the US administration, it seems that they're trying to have you out from your mandate.
Some US media's say that the Trump administration sent an official letter to the secretary general in order to have you out.
Do you have any comment on that?
Because for now we have this only through media.
And my second question is regarding the creation of a special tribunal for Israel.
Is it something that you will support if it will be pushed by different countries?
Because, for example, when it comes to Ukraine and Russia, the Western countries are.
Creation of a special tribunal.
Do you see a kind of volunteers from these same countries when it come to Israel and do you think that it can happen one day?
I, I, I serve with a lot of pain and sacrifice.
This mandate upon request of the Human Rights Council, not just what happened last in the last three months.
The fact that the Council embraced without challenging it, the decision of the, the, the finding of the Coordinating Committee that have not acted in violations of the code of conduct was reassuring.
Because the only thing I wanted to, to do 3 months ago, after engaging so much of my of my time and sacrificing so much of my own life to, to to serve this mandate with honesty and integrity.
I really wanted to, to present this report because I knew that I really believe that while, yeah, member states are aware, are aware and people are aware of the violations, it's difficult to see the, the, the system and many are, are generally surprised of this picture.
What I shared and what reassures me is that what I've seen today in that room at the Human Rights Council is something I've never seen.
Forget the applauses, I mean, but I've never seen such a almost wall to wall support and endorsement for my mandate before.
So yeah, I accept that my there might be some divergent views and we can live with the fact that we agree to disagree.
I'm a UN special rapporteur and I should be respected as such.
If any member state has issue with it, they can talk to their colleagues in the Human Rights Council and, and the creation of a special tribunal.
Look, I do believe that justice is absolutely necessary.
I've often said that while that we have international courts, we have the International Criminal Court, we have the International Court of Justice, we also have universal jurisdictions over the crime of genocide.
And I do imagine the Palestine trials.
I mean, people sometimes ask me, do you imagine the Palace, the, the, the Nuremberg trials for the, for Palestine?
I imagine the Palestine trials, which will be the full realisation of justice across the border because crimes are across the border, Human rights violations clearly show that there are responsibilities across the border and therefore I want to see lawyers and practitioners, barristers and invested in supporting civil society to and work with judges and prosecutor to deliver some justice.
I'm not giving thoughts yet consideration myself to the idea of a special tribunal.
While I do think that the question of Palestine is so big, it's overwhelming the injustice that the Palestinians have experienced, which doesn't take anything with way from the from the injustices that the the Jewish people have endured and suffers for centuries, which is also what triggers somewhat and entered into into Palestine.
But never one justice, one injustice has has has has justified another injustice.
So now it's the time to look at what for 77 years, actually for 100 years the Palestinians have endured and probably one ad hoc mechanism would make sense.
However, however, I also know that accountability per SE, retributive justice and even political solutions that take into account realise the rights and freedoms of all.
Because this is the only solution that I that I see, the only political solution that I see as necessary and viable.
Then it will be up to the Palestinians and Israelis to decide in what form of state, 33 years later, the beginning of the this process, they want to live in one state, 2 state, 3 states.
However, I also think that the word that our particularly my part of the of the world struggles with and it's very necessary both for the Palestinians and Israeli is healing.
There is a huge sense of trauma and any probably we can't even reckon the depth and and a bit right now as the Palestinians in Gaza will have to survive.
Will I will have to be helped recover from what they have suffered and it they will need all our humanity, all the humanity that we have been prevented from showing them.
But also the Israelis will need healing because when they will realise what they have done in the name of an ideology that has turned into a political doctrine and it has sent its youngest citizens into carrying out, yeah, genocide, the cold, the war, a war of revenge, They will need more support than others in in staying solid and say mentally sane.
Thank you very much, Salvinazzi.
Olivia Cordova from Reuters here.
I was just interested in in what kind of response you had from your report.
I think your report mentioned that you contacted a number of companies that were named like, have you had any kind of good engagements with those companies?
Have any of them been willing to kind of sit with you?
Have they kind of suggested any potential shift in, in, in their, in their business models?
And then secondly, this is just related to something you said in the in the council, you described the gods of humanitarian Foundation as a death trap.
I was just wondering what evidence in your role as special rapporteur you've heard in terms of the types of injuries that people have been sustaining while trying to receive food aid.
But also, if you can maybe help us with a clarification, because the GHF has consistently said that these deaths are not happening near its sites.
Do you believe that that is an accurate statement by the GHF?
So first of all, I've I've notified the old companies that have been named in the report and I've not just shared with them the facts that I found in violation of international law.
For each of them I've developed and this is something that goes beyond what has been done in other similar cases.
For each of them, I have provided A detailed analysis, a case by case legal analysis.
So where I found their non conformity with international law translating into violation of the right of self determination, other human rights violations and even war crimes or crimes against humanity and to an extent you know which cases they could be embroiled in the crime of genocide.
So the eight following this 18 companies replied, The others didn't.
And of these 18, I can say that only a small number engaged with me in good faith because a number of them reasserted what I had said and saying that it was absolutely nothing wrong that I was.
I was in the sense I was hallucinating, I was not reading international law correctly.
Clearly they don't understand international law.
Clearly they think that that international law is there to make excuses.
And frankly, they are in good companies because we just come from 20 months in which international human rights law violations have been justified as compliance with international humanitarian law, like first displacement, renamed, rebranded, like evacuation orders to population moved into the safe zones or yeah, safe, safe zone death zones, which have become safe zones, collateral damage, humanitarian human Shields and even the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is yet another chapter of the of the humanitarian camouflage.
And I also think they are in good company when it comes to member states because it's incredible how member states, for example, European states use the European Union to justify their non compliance with their international obligations.
The International Court of Justice, because you know, I say everyone says no, we cannot call genocide because it's not, there is no court of determination.
First of all, since January 2024, the court recognised the the risk of irreparable harm to the Palestinians in Gaza under the Genocide Convention, which means they recognise the plausibility of genocide, which means that this is the moment the obligation to prevent kicked in.
So if one has to be serious about about in reading international law literally, but you know, they say no, but the European Union, the European Union doesn't allow, I mean, we need, we are waiting for other UN member states to, to take measures to suspend the agreement.
No, you need to suspend your transactions with with Israel because you have signed international treaties and because this some of the violations that we are under our eyes amount to crimes.
So there might be a complicity.
And therefore it's so sad as a European to see that European Union, such a noble institution has become the index behind which to hide in order to justify the non compliance with international law.
So it's in the United in the United Nations as well, because when I say, yeah, but you should disengage and impose an arms embargo like member member states from the global majority are already doing.
By the way, yeah, The Hague Group is a very noble, small but noble attempt to to to, to, to, to start from addressing the root causes instead of a symptom for for a change.
So I, I do believe that none of the less the companies need to understand and This is why I was so, so anxious to have this report presented.
And so this is the only good thing that I've I've really this the silver lining of, of this past month, despite all pressure, seeing that this would allow this report would allow people to understand to have no further excuses being directly linked to this, to this occupation, this unlawful occupation, because the International Court of Justice has said the occupation is unlawful.
So we have a decision of the International Court of Justice saying this is unlawful.
Member States have to disengage, not to recognise as illegal, not to aid and assist, ensure that a secession and even and even ensure that there are reparations from Israel to to the Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territory.
So in the face of all these violations, how can ever been argued morally and legally that a private actor is allowed to do what a Member State is not allowed to do?
So again, I think that this is this is a pivotal moment.
There have been other defining moments, as I was saying in the Council in human history to bring businesses which normally escape accountability to account.
Palestine is really forcing us to to that test.
The Gaza humanitarian foundation is absolutely a death trap.
I don't I wouldn't know how to call the 600 people who have been killed while trying to reach aid.
So first of all, this is the most, I mean, the term humanitarian absolutely cannot be utilised in a serious fashion toward that thing because humanitarian aid must follow certain principles, the principle of humanity, the principle of dignity, the principle of protection of human life.
So creating no harm, this creates harm.
It's not a dignified way to distribute food and aid.
It's not providing all the aid that is adequate.
So the day without even looking at it as a killing machine, it's not providing aid.
And again I restate it's ludicrous.
It's ludicrous that international community is not forcing, is not breaking the blockade because this is the only sensible thing that should be done right now.
Send all the countries which have a port in the Mediterranean Sea, should send the Navy with medical personnel under their responsibility, under their flag, medical personnel, food and any other necessity, sorry, necessary equipment to save life, including baby formula.
So this is what member states should do.
Instead, they stay there, criticising at best, the Gaza Human Italian Foundation.
Again, this is one of the most sadistic exercises in intellectual gymnastics I've ever come across.
And then the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation are saying that the killing is not happening near the sites.
Well, I've, I've gone through plenty of video evidence, of course, neither you nor I are there.
I wish, I wish journalists could be allowed in the fact that it's not happening while all the journalists that are available in Gaza are being are being killed 1 by 1 by 1 by 1 and we have surpassed the 220.
Now it's evidence that probably Israel doesn't want further testimonies, further witnesses in this.
Don't know if you've had the chance to see what Israel has to say about your report.
They said, and I'm quoting here, that it's motivated by an obsessive hate driven agenda to delegitimize the state of Israel.
And they say that your report is, again, I'm quoting, is legally groundless, defamatory, and a flagrant abuse of office.
What is your response to what they have to say?
Thank you, I have no comment.
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Thank you Miss Albanese for this.
Press, Sir, I just want to return to the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation.
And after the way you described the organisation, I want to ask.
Do you see a need for an urgent new case in front of ICJ or ICC over recent killings of AIDS seekers near the mechanism?
I I'm really reassured by the fact that this company has been this entity has been the registered.
I hope this is the right term because I, I saw it in between the interactive dialogue and, and the press conference.
But so I see that it's doesn't have a protected, necessarily a protected status in Switzerland, in Geneva anymore.
However, there is a need again, there is a need for accountability, no question about that.
But I'm, I think that we need to get out of the chronicling approach and mentality.
Of course, each incident requires analysis and investigation, but it's the we need to look at the ensemble get step away from the detail.
Everything is happening in the context of a destructive, intentionally destructive assault the Israel has launched against the Palestinians in in Gaza, which is also echoed and mirrored by the violence that has escalated and intensified against the Palestinians in the West Bank.
Really there is, there is little capacity to understand that the two pieces of this fragments are together.
The the Palestinian territory that Israel has occupied since 1967 is 1.
It should be treated as a territorial, A territorial unity.
And so Israel is doing, I mean, is unleashing violence against the Palestinians with the same animus, with the same spirit, moving them out and with all the means possible, clearly.
And I do believe that it's, it's necessary to to see that this is not the first genocide that consists of several of other crimes.
And it's in the, in the the interrelation and inter inter play of all this conducts and of all this crimes that one can also see how abandoned the Palestinians feel to this criminal design and to their destiny and their situation.
Thank you very much for this press conference.
You said that only, sorry, only a small number of companies accepted engaged with you after receiving your report.
But I would like to know if any, any company or a few companies told you that they will reassess or analyse their businesses in Israel or businesses that affects the, the, the occupied Palestinian territories.
And also a second part of my questions.
I, I'm sorry if I, I focus on one company, but you mentioned that trying building a Spanish company.
And I would like to ask you because you mentioned in the report that they participate with other company in the, to expand the, the Trump, the, the, the, the public transport in Jerusalem.
But I would like to, to, to, to be precise, if these expansions are attached to East Jerusalem, why?
What is the problem in, in this case?
And if this company has replied something to you, Thank you.
Yeah, as I said, only a small number of companies have really engaged in good faith.
And one in particular till the point till the last conversation where I realised that there was probably not much good faith because we were clearly there was an interest in not having their their name on the on the report, which I understand.
But but no, I've seen no sign whatsoever of readiness to disengage, rather the contrary.
Which doesn't mean that this will not happen.
And, but even if you think of the, for me, the most shocking 1 and, and it's a peculiar, not a peculiar, but it's a, it's particularly serious for me that the Norwegian pension funds stays engaged in the in the occupied Palestinian territory by supporting businesses.
Because I've really engaged with the government of Norway with which I've always had really good and solid respectful engagement.
But again, the Norwegian pension fund, I mean it, the, the engagement I've had so far with their governing body and their ethic council suggests, indicates that there is clear misunderstanding of international obligations.
So I truly hope that this report will give the possibility also to the civil society, to the international lawyers in Norway, like in other countries for, for the other companies and the other entities named to engage with the with the government and otherwise, if this doesn't cease, well, there should be accountability.
And so, for example, again, staying in Norway, I've seen parliamentarians, for example, starting to, to, to take, to confront the government more robustly.
I've also seen in recent hours the divestment from two companies, which are welcome.
And this needs to continue to continue.
For what concerned the company, the Basque company you mentioned is the calf.
The CAF participate with other companies in expanding the public transport in Jerusalem and it's the Jerusalem Light Rail Consortium, which is as also mentioned in the OHCHR database in the sense the consortium that CAF has established is with with companies mentioned in with at least two companies mentioned in the in the database.
So at the time, the first problem is that at the time, other companies have withdrawn from their engagement and partnership with UN database listed companies.
CAF has not has not done it.
But also the lines that CAF is in is is involved in in building include part of of the part of their their, their, their tracks in the in the West Bank.
And these lines connect colonies, colonies with Jerusalem.
The colonies are connected through through through this transport through transportation lines with Israel.
And as I said, this is illegal.
This company is helping Israel facilitate the replacement of the Palestinians and the strengthening of the comp of of the colonies, which are in and of themselves, as I said many times, a war crime, a violation of the international humanitarian law framework.
I think that's all the questions we have.
Another, another element that I should add because it also shows how the businesses are connected.
There are other companies that I've mentioned in the report like Dusan and Volvo excavators and machinery that have been used and, and the materials that other companies like Heidelberg have provided have been used to, to supply the building of these of the light rail bridge.
I think we the last question we have time for today.
We've already run over time.
We said can we, can you send your inquiry and we'll make sure that the special rapporteur gets it.
Thank you all for joining us today and thank you very much to the special rapporteur.
Thank you all for your interest in her work.