UN Geneva - Multimedia Newsroom : HRC 59 Press conference: Commission of Inquiry on OPT and Israel

[Other language spoken]

Good morning, everyone or good afternoon, everyone.

Thank you for joining us at this press conference with the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including E Jerusalem and Israel.

The Commission released its latest report on 10 October, excuse me, on 10 June, and they presented the findings of that report to the Human Rights Council here in Geneva yesterday.

Now they're ready to answer your questions about that report and the situation in the occupied territories.

We'll start today with an opening statement by the Chair, Miss Navi Pillay, followed by fellow Commissioner Chris Sidoti, and then we'll open the floor to your questions.

[Other language spoken]

Good afternoon and thank you everyone for being present here.

It's always a pleasure to meet with the press and that's when people at home know what I'm doing here.

Otherwise they say you're so old, shouldn't you stop working?

Where are you going this time?

So thank you for educating the world.

Because of the importance of this Commission.

So, as Todd said, we delivered our report yesterday at the Human Rights Council, and there I said that this is the most ruthless, prolonged and widespread attack against the Palestinian people since 1948.

The goal of the Israeli government is abundantly clear as we continue witnessing the destruction of Gaza on our television screens and our newspapers in real time.

As we said yesterday, an immediate ceasefire is the utmost priority and should pave the way for peace, justice and accountability for all victims.

In our June 2024 report to the Human Rights Council, exactly 1 year ago, we presented A comprehensive report and two conference room papers documenting some of the most egregious crimes and atrocities committed by Israeli authorities and Palestinian armed groups on and since 7th October 2023, including killing, maiming, siege and starvation, forcible transfer, sexual and gender based violence and attacks directed against civilian populations.

To date, we are the only investigative UN body to have published findings on the crimes committed on 7th October 23.

Our report to the Human Rights Council, which we presented yesterday, as I mentioned, examines attacks on educational facilities, religious and cultural cultural sites from 7th October 2023 to January 2025.

Our report concludes that Israel essentially obliterated the education system in Gaza.

More than 90% of schools and university buildings in Gaza have been destroyed or damaged, creating conditions where education for children has been made impossible.

These attacks were part of a widespread and relentless assault against the Palestinian people in which Israeli forces have committed war crimes, including directing attacks against civilians and wilful killing, and the crime against humanity of extermination.

Our report also concludes that Israeli forces have damaged more than half of all religious and cultural sites in the Gaza Strip.

Israel also targeted, harmed and appropriated Palestinian religious and cultural sites in the West Bank, including E Jerusalem.

Israeli attacks in Gaza targeted religious sites that served as places of refuge, killing hundreds of people, including women and children.

We emphasised that the damage to religious and cultural sites deeply effects intangible cultural elements such as religious and cultural practises, memories and history, undermining the identity of Palestinians as a people.

We are grateful for the support expressed by multiple Member States during the Council session and we intend to continue pursuing the fulfilment of our mandate, including in relation to making recommendations, in particular on accountability measures, with the view to avoiding and ending impunity and ensuring legal accountability, including individual, criminal and command responsibility.

So with those brief remarks, Chris and I are ready to expand further from with your questions.

Thanks, Todd.

The report that our Commission presented to the Human Rights Council yesterday is the 6th report that we have produced in the last 12 months, reports that focused broadly within our mandate, but in particular on the events that occurred on and after the 7th of October 2023.

In all of those reports, including the one presented yesterday, we have emphasised the question of accountability, and our Chair, in her comments to the Human Rights Council yesterday, again emphasised the importance of accountability.

In my comments to start this press conference, I would like to look at what accountability means in the context of the work that we have done and the present situation, particularly in Gaza.

Accountability certainly has collective elements and that is that those in leadership positions, command positions, bear responsibility for what those under their command do.

But accountability also has individual elements, and I think it only fair that we emphasise to those individuals involved the nature of the responsibility that they bear and the accountability that may face them in the future.

In relation to the events in southern Israel on 7/8 October 2023, our report last June found that there were war crimes committed on a widespread scale affecting Israeli and other residents of that area and and those involved in the dance party.

Those war crimes were committed by individuals and we had no doubt that the individuals in the militant Palestinian organisations, and we cited Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad amongst others, were and are individually accountable for what they did.

The Israeli authorities now hold thousands of people from Gaza.

We can only say thousands because really we have no idea how many are actually being held.

It may be that there are amongst those thousands persons who were involved in the Commission of war crimes on the 7th and 8th of October.

The responsibility of the Israeli authorities is to conduct proper investigations and ensure fair trials for those who may be accused of war crimes and for whom there is sufficient evidence.

Fair trial means trial in civilian courts according to international standards of justice in which those who are accused are entitled to legal representation and all evidence is available for examination, for challenge and for determination by a duly constituted court.

To date, so far as we are aware, there have been no proper trials conducted in relation to any of those held by the Israeli authorities in relation to the events of 7-8 October 2023.

There is a need for accountability in that area.

War crimes were committed and those responsible must be held accountable.

Indeed, even before 7 October 2023, our reports indicated that the indiscriminate firing of rockets from Gaza into civilian areas, populated areas, constituted a war crime and those therefore responsible for the firing of those rockets should be held accountable for a war crime.

And we said in our reports last June that the kidnapping and holding of Israeli civilians as hostages, and even Israeli soldiers as hostages, constitutes a war crime, and those not only responsible for the kidnapping but for the continuing holding and mistreatment of hostages should be held accountable.

Our reports examine what has occurred in Gaza since 7 October 2023, and the question of accountability again arises.

We have found war crimes and crimes against humanity committed consistently throughout the Gaza Strip since the Israeli offensive began shortly after 7 October.

We have identified in our reports a number of specific incidents and in relation to those incidents we have identified in many cases the military units that were involved.

Our report presented yesterday, for example, identifies the Giovati Brigade, the 8170 Combat Engineering Battalion of the 252nd Division, the 710th Combat Engineering Battalion, the 8130 Armoured Battalion under the command of the 99th Division, the 162nd Division, the 749th Combat Engineering Battalion, the Rotem Battalion of the Giovati Brigade, the 261st Reserve Brigade and so on.

We know many of the units responsible for the Commission of war crimes, and therefore we know who those Israeli soldiers were individually responsible in many cases for the Commission of war crimes.

The situation in Gaza, however, is much broader than the Commission of individual war crimes.

In our report in June last year, we concluded the massive number of civilian casualties and the widespread destruction of civilian objects and crucial civilian infrastructure are the inevitable results of the Israeli strategy to use force during the hostilities undertaken with the intent to cause maximum damage, disregarding the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution, and thus in violation of international humanitarian law and international human rights law.

Since we formed and reported that conclusion a year ago, the situation in Gaza has only got worse.

The mass killings have continued, the orphaning of children, the making of widows, the destruction of infrastructure, as reported by our Commission, healthy infrastructure, educational infrastructure, housing and residential complexes.

Our finding that the basic military strategy used by the Israelis since 7 October 2023 leads to the inevitable conclusion that all those who have played a role in any way in the implementation of this strategy are suspected of the Commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

That means the air crew in the bombers that are dropping the bombs and the Rockets, the crews of ships off the coast that are shelling parts of Gaza, destroying fishing boats and the livelihood of fishers.

The Palestinian people who depend on the sea.

The soldiers on the ground who are implementing the strategy of destruction of infrastructure and killing of people in their thousands.

Those who are far away from Gaza, who are piloting and controlling the drones that are inflicting slaughter on the Gazan people, those who man the checkpoints to implement a strategy of starvation against the Palestinian people of Gaza.

All of these people and their commanders are suspects in the Commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity individually, and it's only fair that they know that and that they know that they can be held accountable.

First and foremost, the Israeli authorities are responsible for ensuring accountability, but we know that they never do it.

They announce enquiries whose results are never made public.

There are no trials in almost all cases, and in in the few cases where there are trials, the penalties are minimal and generally are not implemented.

So we have to rely on international accountability under the principles of universal jurisdiction.

That means the International Criminal Court, but it also means courts in individual states.

This is a responsibility of third states, not just of the International Criminal Court.

Our Commission's mandate includes accountability and we are already sharing the information that we have collected about units and about individuals with proper judicial processes that have sought assistance from us.

The International Criminal Court, we have said repeatedly, but also national courts exercising universal jurisdiction.

And these requests are becoming more frequent.

So it's only fair that all of those who are involved in any way in what has happened in Gaza since the 7th of October 2023 are, are aware of the fact that they can be held accountable anywhere in the world.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you for those remarks.

Now we open the floor to questions.

We'll start on the right there.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you base Adam from Anadelu.

I just wanted to thank you for this briefing 1st and want to ask as Chris said, the accountability is needed and war crimes and crimes against humanity is committed constantly in Gaza.

I wanted to ask what what is lacking exactly about accountability part, because we already have some ICC decisions, we already have some ICJ opinions, but we never seen Israel taking a step back.

So what we are lacking and what should be done in that?

And you also said we know Israeli soldiers individually who committed those crimes.

And I wanted to ask, will you take any of those facts and names to the international courts?

[Other language spoken]

International accountability is slow.

That's a sad truth, but it is underway.

You've mentioned the proceedings in the International Criminal Court and as is generally known, the International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants in relation to two Israeli leaders, the Prime Minister Netanyahu and the former Defence Minister Gallant.

It may be that the International Criminal Court has issued other arrest warrants, We don't know.

But it's slow so far as universal jurisdiction in national courts are concerned.

It requires the presence of the individual within the jurisdiction.

And so we will see accountability occurring.

We will see further investigations and prosecutions when courts are able to actually have the person before them and commence prosecutions.

I won't go into our operational details, that's not appropriate.

But I can say that we have received requests for information that we have and we are cooperating with those requests in relation to properly established tribunals, courts and tribunals.

Yes, thank you Isabel Sacco for Spanish news agency FM.

Firstly, you have said that one of the things that is most needed is international accountability.

What is your sentiment in, in the context of the sanctions imposed by the US to to members of ICC, how this accountability is threatened or challenged by this, by positions like this?

And secondly, what is the, what from your point of view is the way out of this conflict in the context of the continuous support by various and most of Western countries, even if the support is less strong than a few months ago, but it's still there?

[Other language spoken]

Let me adjust your first question and and say This is why we emphasise in our report yesterday and I address the members of the Human Rights Council, all member states, emphasising that they have a positive obligation to implement international law in and in this case for accountability to themselves exercise Universal Declaration.

Now, they may have many reasons why they haven't done so, but the reason?

Would not be that they haven't seen any evidence at least we doing that work and we will furnish evidence to whoever requests it.

We've already done so as Chris has said and we have agreements and we've been furnishing material to both the ICC and the ICJ that's public.

But as I said, we will disclose it.

Some of the material may be protected.

So that's the use of having an UN investigating mechanism gathering evidence.

And I know that that was done in Cambodia, for instance, where the people there waited more than 20 years to see the tribunal come up.

But it did come up because the evidence was there and preserved the demand for accountability.

The thirst for justice in order to rebuild that nation was eventually fulfilled.

It I I agree 20 years is a long time to wait, but these are the everyday questions we are getting from our research and investigations of victims on the ground, mainly the Palestinians.

And This is why I conveyed to the Human Rights Council yesterday that they established us.

And after all, we are in the position of messages, messengers, taking the demands of ordinary people and victims back to the Human Rights Council to say there's a demand for justice and accountability.

What the mechanism they set up here jointly is pretty good.

That's the one aspect and sorry, the the second part of the question related to, but still on this first question, what is what does it implies the conduct or behaviours of countries sanctioning members of an international jurisdictional body.

This is 1.

If to complete the your answer, please.

We were surprised and shocked too, that sanctions have been imposed, for instance, against members of the judiciary, the ICC, who had given a judicial decision on indictments against those who violated international law in respect of Palestine.

And I know that there was, there was a huge reaction to that, condemning the sanctions because it it goes totally against the basic principle of international law of justice and accountability and cooperation by all states.

Every state has an obligation not only to prevent genocide, for instance, but to act to protect civilians in these crises.

So it is a a very shocking aspect of where non compliance with international law is getting and and I feel This is why it's very, very important that we sustain the investigation and make the information known to everybody.

So individual states may or may not have have condemned the sanctions and other actions.

We ourselves are very alarmed about what will happen to us.

We have to go into the United States where the UN headquarters are and whether we will counter problems and opposition.

But nevertheless you can see that we have now planned our work.

So we are dealing with in in stages, a very focused look at at the outcomes of attacks that what kind of attacks, who's doing the attacks?

What's the short term and long term impact?

And that is because like any judicial body, we don't begin with the label and say, oh, right, we're going to say genocide took place.

You know, I'm addressing this because so many people on the street have asked us this, what they see on their on their television screens every day is a conflict in real time to which they are all witnesses.

So they're really surprised why this Commission has not gone further.

We follow the evidence and and one of the ways in which we following the evidence is to be focused.

And This is why you have a fully investigatory report on the attacks on on religious institutions, cultural institutions.

And the last report was on hospitals, you may know.

So we gathering all this as we look at the facts.

This is not something that could be just dismissed as collateral damage.

You know that women were killed.

Yes, the Temple, the schools were destroyed.

What we are, what we've tracked in this report is evidence of intentional, deliberate attacks on these institutions.

[Other language spoken]

What is the way out you see from this conflict given the continuous support of Western countries to Israel give even if this is the support is less strong now than a few months ago?

Well, we have made the calls very clear for a ceasefire and for compliance with international law and we have laid a responsibility on every member state to do that.

Beyond that it's it's very difficult.

I'm not equipped to decide what we should do with the with those who are imposing sanctions against human rights activists, reporters, journalists and and including us.

Our job, as we see it, is to remind them of the international obligations and we constantly look at not only international law but the decision of the International Court of Justice.

An advisory opinion in response to a request from Member States very clearly sets out these obligations, and clearly imposing sanctions against those who are drawing attention to violations and asking for compliance is not what the Court pointed out today directed the institutions such as the Security Council and the General Assembly to take firm steps to end the unlawful occupation.

[Other language spoken]

Can I just add to that the, the, the question of way out?

It, it seems to me is surrounded by a lot of anxiety and and depression because the situation looks so hopeless.

But the way out is clear and simple and well known.

It is peace, it is mutual respect, it is justice and accountability and people's exercising their right to self determination to live in peace and security.

It's, it's not that we don't know the way out.

It's, it's just that there is no political commitment to get there.

We, we do know what is not the way out.

We know that wiping out Hamas, even if it were possible, is not the way out.

Killing another 50,000 people in Gaza is not the way out.

Firing rockets at Tel Aviv is not the way out.

The way out is, is well known and the the attention, the priority for all countries, including you've referred to Western countries, the priority has to be to do everything possible by placing pressure on all of the parties that are committed to violence to renounce violence and take the way out.

That has been so clear for so long.

[Other language spoken]

We'll we'll take a question here and then then we'll circle back.

Hello, CEO Swiss News Agency.

Thanks for for the briefing.

I know it's not part of your last report, but in the recent weeks there have been a lot of allegations on weaponization of humanitarian assistance since Israel decided to get back the control on humanitarian aid within the the Gaza Strip via that Gaza Humanitarian Foundation.

I know it's early, but are you already in a position to make a comment around that?

Because a lot have been said by some stakeholders, UN officials and, and the parties obviously.

And do you intend to further investigate on that and to be in the position in the next report to, to have a clear determination on the legal consequences of that?

[Other language spoken]

You are quite right.

We have mentioned right from the beginning that withholding humanitarian aid, food, water, basic things including the destruction of houses constitute violations of international law.

And we join with the statements made by the Secretary General and many of the UN agency heads on how this is totally unacceptable.

So it's clear to to us and we made it clear that siege and starvations are violations of international law and they must stop.

In fact, they lead to serious violations of the Genocide Convention.

So in that respect, let me assure you that we working up to that.

That's why we looking at focused facts on the ground in respect of each of these.

Our last report on on violence against women and the smashing of hospitals is getting close to that because it's it's, it's not random attacks.

They appear to be deliberate and so on.

So we have to spell out what is the motive of right now the killing of people who are coming for humanitarian aid from this so-called foundation and that lives are being lost just in trying to secure food for their children.

You want to say something?

The, the, the only thing I would add is, is to confirm that we've not looked at what's happened in the last two weeks because it's, it's only just happened.

But we can't look at the, the deaths surrounding the, the Geneva Humanitarian Foundation without the broader context that we have looked at.

And from the very beginning, we have emphasised that Gaza has been under a partial siege since 2007.

This has been going on for a long time and the Israeli governmental and military authorities have been turning on and off the taps, both water taps and food taps and building materials and everything else for almost 20 years now.

But there has never been a time like now where the, the, the, the levels of famine are so great.

The malnutrition, particularly amongst children and pregnant women is so high.

And, and the deaths we talk about 55,000 killed, 55,000 is the minimum number killed directly from military activity.

Who knows how many have died indirectly because they couldn't get medicines for totally treatable diseases.

So the events of the last two weeks with the with the Geneva Humanitarian Foundation are just the most serious exacerbation of a 20 year old problem.

People should not have to make a decision that they will risk their lives in order to obtain food to feed their kids.

And yet this is exactly the choice that is confronting people in Gaza now.

And and that's not us saying that alone.

The comments made by the International Committee of the Red Cross, the most cautious and conservative organisation, have never been stronger than what I have heard in recent weeks.

It makes a farce of the, the blank, the the abject denials of the Israeli authorities when you have the head of the ICRC describing Gaza as hell on earth.

So the, the pattern is the same.

What is happening is the same.

And people should not have to risk death in order to feed their kids.

[Other language spoken]

We'll, we'll go next to Nick from the New York Times.

[Other language spoken]

You mentioned you've received a a number of requests for for information from different courts and jurisdictions.

I wonder if you could just say without identifying them, how many national courts or jurisdictions are now receiving information from you on the results of your investigation?

Secondly, you, you've identified a whole bunch of military units that are linked to war crimes or, or, or other offences.

Given that starvation as a weapon of war is, is also an offence, should COGAT be included among the organisations that you know will will come under scrutiny for, for international crimes?

And, and the third question is you, you, you mentioned the very, very few cases, if any have have been brought for prosecution.

Where, where do you see the responsibility for that lack of prosecutions within Israel?

Is it military authorities?

Is it domestic courts?

[Other language spoken]

Yeah, Nick, I was just checking with Chris.

We, we do know some of the states who want to look into the possibility of exercising universal jurisdiction, so they have requested us to share information, but we haven't had our meetings with them yet.

And so at this stage I would not like to name them.

But I'm aware of such requests coming from three states in Europe.

And I think one of the reasons is we've been constantly reminding all Member States that you have a responsibility here to exercise jurisdiction, especially if the individual concerned is in your territory.

But but thank you for that question.

And you can see why we very carefully verify all information we gathering.

We know that the eventual purpose is that it has to meet the standard in in in a criminal prosecution of these cases would starvation as an international crime.

You know that this is was used as a weapon of war during, during World War and so many of the large states lost millions of people, including Russia, for instance, because I went to one of the museums and so the millions of of crosses and and tombs of soldiers.

So in every war, this siege and starvation is surely leads to to death and no other when the people are not receiving access.

But this initiative of what's called a foundation, a private foundation to supply food is what I see as outrageous because it involves the United States itself, the government.

And it turns out as we watch daily, that people who go to those centres are being killed as they as they seek food and so on.

So we will have to look into once again, the policy purpose and how it's being affected.

We know the impact on the ground because this is what we daily are in touch with.

People who report levels of deaths resulting from starvation, the lack of prosecution in Israel, as I see it, they are in denial.

They still explain every incident as an act of securing their own security.

And over so many years, even in my previous position as High Commissioner for human Rights, it's very difficult when we uncover that some of the explanations they give are blatant lies.

There's no foundation.

And even when they retract their response, there's no apology or explanation.

It's true that they have a a means of using the military tribunals, which has the jurisdiction over Palestinians but not Israelis.

And one of our recommendations then is that justice must be delivered in Israel and not by the military courts, but by ordinary courts that are credible.

And this is one of the recommendations from the International Court of Justice as well.

[Other language spoken]

First on COGAT.

COGAT is the Israeli authority responsible for the civilian administration in the occupied territories.

Just by way of background, we have dealt with COGAT on a number of occasions in our past reports.

I think most significantly would have been the October 2022 report to the General Assembly where we spoke explicitly about the role of COGAT in furthering the settlement policy in the West Bank.

And really conducting a policy of de facto annexation of Palestinian territory.

So Cogat has been involved for a long time in the continuation of unlawful activity in the occupied territories, occupation that is being found to be unlawful by the International Court of Justice itself, not, not just us as a Commission by the top World court.

So Cogat is deeply implicated already.

It's implicated as well now in relation to the, the starvation policy on Gaza, to the extent to which it is implementing that policy.

The the, the starvation policy has a number of levels of responsibility.

I mean, there are those who are implementing it directly and, and I referred to those staffing the checkpoints and preventing food from entering.

There are those who are giving the orders and there are others who are aiding and abetting the implementation of starvation policies.

And there would certainly be people in COGAT, at least in that last category of aiding and abetting complicity, and perhaps also in the categories of direct implementation and issuing orders.

I, I, I can't answer specifically that aspect of it, but, but COGAT for decades has been the instrument of Israeli occupation and annexation.

And so Kogat people are up to their eyeballs in illegality and criminality.

There's no doubt about that.

You asked why so few Israeli prosecutions and why most of them are, are unsuccessful.

I, I think I'd have to pinpoint the, the finger quite broadly.

There are political decisions, which means it's a governmental responsibility, particularly in relation to the referral of cases.

There are military decisions because there is a military prosecutor and we know the military.

The Israeli military is fantastic at announcing enquiries, but not quite so good in publicly disclosing the results of the enquiries and taking actions for prosecutions.

And then, regrettably, I also have to point the finger at the courts.

Israeli courts are good, strong, independent courts delivering justice to Israelis, but they fail the test of properly constituted courts with proper procedures when it comes to delivering justice to Palestinians.

[Other language spoken]

We'll go in the back and then we'll take one question online.

[Other language spoken]

Annie Spitel from.

[Other language spoken]

Thank you for organising this press conference.

[Other language spoken]

The military units that you mentioned earlier.

Earlier that you said you have identified, I wanted to ask you.

How many units in?

Total you you have.

Identified and and also how?

Have you been able to to identify them so precisely?

And in particular with the individuals as well, but even the the units.

And you you say that you have shared that.

Information to three European countries.

Could you tell us if you?

Have shared that information in with other national.

Courts elsewhere in the world.

And then in the past, you in another report you mentioned that you you say that Hamas has also.

Committed war crimes.

And I wanted to know if you have also identified specific units, individuals within the Hamas as you did with the the Israeli military units and.

[Other language spoken]

Shared that information as well.

[Other language spoken]

The the first question I can't answer because I don't know.

That is the number of Israeli units that we have identified.

The the list I read today are those that appear in our current report, but there are others in other reports.

We identified the unit, for example, responsible for the murder of Shireen Abu Aklay.

We identified the unit responsible for that attack on the the vehicle with all of those children in, in Gaza.

So there are many that we've identified and I haven't counted how many.

I'm sorry, how we identify because of a lot of evidence, including photographic and video evidence, much of which is posted on Facebook, that and other social media.

We're we're soldiers are saying what they have done and they're wearing uniforms and the Insignia on the uniforms clearly identifies what units they belong to through satellite imagery.

We're also able to determine with, with a reasonable amount of specificity, supplementary information that tells us what units are operating in what areas at the time in which particular war crimes have been committed.

They're identifying markers on things like tanks and other military vehicles.

You'll notice, I notice we're much better at identifying units on the ground for all those reasons than planes that are dropping the bombs.

Determining that kind of information is more difficult, but we only name a unit in one of our reports when we have the evidence and have formed a conclusion on the basis of identifying information that that was the unit operating in that area at that time and is linked to the particular occurrence that we are describing.

I, I, I don't want to go into details about how many courts and, and, and where they were.

The International Criminal Court has a, a global jurisdiction.

So firstly, yes, we are dealing with a court that can take action anywhere, but we respond to requests.

They have to be requests where we are satisfied that the, the standards of justice, the international standards of justice will be met.

We don't throw information around indiscriminately.

It's too properly constituted, courts established and operating in accordance with international standards of justice.

So we, we, we have to make those, those fine decisions before providing information.

But we are doing it in, in a number of cases.

I, I didn't mention the International Court of Justice because that's not a Criminal Court, but we are providing information both for their advisory opinions and their case under the Genocide Convention cases, not just one under the Genocide Convention.

So we're cooperating with that court as well.

Sorry, oh, Hamas units, we have identified some broader categories of, of unit with Hamas.

They, the Hamas militants don't wear uniforms and don't wear identifying Insignia that enables us to say precisely in many cases we can identify individuals and we can also identify at a bigger, bigger picture level those aspects of, of, of Hamas that may be involved.

No, we have not received requests for information about those and we would respond if we did.

But I think the reason is fairly straightforward.

Nobody can get out if these Hamas militants are are still alive, many of them are dead, Many of them will be in Israeli detention and others will be in Gaza.

So I think for courts exercising universal jurisdiction at this stage, this is not a live issue because they they can't get anywhere near people from Gaza.

[Other language spoken]

Hi there.

Thanks very much.

[Other language spoken]

Circumstances you were talking there about.

GHGHF but.

Are you concerned you're talking about patterns?

I mean, are you concerned that now that current attention is moving, shifting?

Towards the growing conflict between Iran and Israel.

That in the mean meantime, Israel might increase.

Its military campaign on Gaza and that.

There could be.

Even more people.

[Other language spoken]

Do you have any kind?

Of early signs or concerns about that, no.

But in our report to the Council yesterday, that's what we urged, that this Council and all members should not be detracted by the regional conflict between Iran and Israel, to ignore the ongoing conflict in Gaza.

So we were concerned that that might happen and we felt the need to put it out there before the Council.

[Other language spoken]

Do we have any more questions online or from the room?

[Other language spoken]

OK, your hand was raised.

[Other language spoken]

If there are no more questions, then we'll wrap this up.

Thank you all for joining us and have a good day.

Thank you very much.

HRC 59 Press conference: Commission of Inquiry on OPT and Israel - 18 June 2025