We have this morning with us Najat Hojdi with the Deputy Special Coordinator, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Lebanon.
I will give you the floor on Najat to start immediately.
Maybe we can start with a briefing and if you agree, we can take down a series of.
Well, good afternoon everybody.
Thank you very much for being here.
I know we are competing with a much bigger event coming soon.
So I really appreciate those who are with us today.
I'll, I'll give you a briefing about the situation, which is not only about, you know, the humanitarian situation, but really unfortunately the worsening all over the country and for all the sectors.
And I would like to start, you know, to share with you 5 very important stories.
And I heard about two weeks ago where I was introduced to five touching human stories, which actually are really saying a lot about the situation.
A 59 year old homeless called Yousef whose dream is to have a door that he can close when he sleeps and a roof above his head.
Shadi, a 15 year old young man has another simple dream to have a mobile phone, a car and some decent clothes and he told me it I should be in school, studying, talking, taking money from my parents and not the other way around.
Christine, a 41 years old disabled housewife is struggling to put food on the table and she said it scares me to be unable to provide food for my kids anymore.
So these are heart rending stories of ordinary Lebanese citizen who only a couple of months back were part of the Lebanon working class but are now battling to meet their very basic needs and human rights.
Having a roof over your head is a human right.
Having food on your table for your kids is a human rights.
Going to school is a basic human rights.
They constitute a small sample yet representative of hundreds of thousands of Lebanese currently falling into multiple facets of poverty.
Unfortunately, this is the Lebanon of today, a grim reflection of the current deteriorating humanitarian situation in a country that has offered a lot to the Mina region.
As you know by now, Lebanon is grappling with an economic and financial meltdown, the disastrous impact of the Beirut port explosion, the spillover effects of the ongoing Syrian crisis and a political deadlock that is fuelling popular protests and blocking any possibility of meaningful reforms and recovery.
The situation for ordinary people is worsening by the day.
Lebanon, which was no long time ago considered as a **** middle income country, is now facing one of its worst financial and economic crisis in its modern history.
The country is in the middle of a phase of hyperinflation, eroding the value of the national currency, people's purchasing power and what remains of their trust in their leaders and institutions.
Between April 2019 and April 2021, the Consumer Price Index has increased by more than 208% and the price of food and beverages increased by 670%.
Shops, no longer wishing to exchange their stocks for devaluate currency, are shutting their doors and unemployment is increasing exponentially.
By any standard, these trends are moving at a speed that is no less than stunning, and for most families, the result are crippling.
Over half of the Lebanese people are now living in poverty.
Alarmingly, extreme poverty registered a three fold increase from 2019 to 2020, rising from 8% to 23%, while the GDP is estimated to have fallen by 14% in 2020.
More and more Lebanese households are now unable to afford basic expenses like food, health, electricity, water, Internet, fuel and education.
In parallel, the availability of those services that are offered, for the most part through the private sector is also decreasing.
Alongside Syrian and Palestinian refugees, Lebanese families find themselves increasingly in need of direct emergency assistance.
22% of Lebanon's families, almost 1/4 of the total, were unable to meet their dietary needs by the end of 2020, according to a joint World Bank and WFP assessments, with decreased access to food and health services.
Acute malnutrition rates among children aged 6 months to five years was reported as increasing throughout the past two years, 2019 and 2020, with infant and young child feeding practises falling short of the global standard.
Recent studies show that over 85% of assessed families confirmed adopting negative coping mechanism, including reduction in the number of daily meals and decreased to no consumption of fresh fruits, vegetable and meat.
At the moment, we estimate that more than 1,000,000 Lebanese, to be more precise 1,088,000 Lebanese, need relief assistance to cover their basic needs, including food.
While it is planned to scale up the support to cover the needs of this new portion of Lebanese in need, a monthly average of over 500,000 people in need will remain unassisted between June and November 2021 due to a funding gap estimated at $100 million for the second-half of this year.
We need a quantum leap in funding to be able to help those people put food on the table.
These grim figures are set to worsen abruptly after removal of subsidies on food and fuel imports.
This will further devalue the Lebanese pound and could again more than double the price of basic commodities.
Unfortunately, the solution is not yet in place to protect the most vulnerable from the impact of what will be a shock desubsidisation.
The crisis in the economy, the currency devaluation as well as the governance vacuum has meant a breakdown of public services at a time when they are most needed.
It is important to note here that in Lebanon, basic services are mostly offered through the private sector, representing 70% of the health and education sectors.
For instance, while the with the worsening of the economic crisis and the dramatic loss of purchasing power for the largest part of the population, those services are no longer available for the most vulnerable.
The public health system is stretched beyond its limits from the double impact of the economic crisis and the COVID-19 outbreak.
People are increasingly unable to access and afford health care amid the growing shortages of imported medicines and medical supplies.
The loss of salary values has meant that skilled health care workers have migrated elsewhere, while COVID-19 cases are declining in Lebanon.
The vaccination programme needs to be accelerated but is boosted with the latest vaccine marathon plan.
Education in Lebanon has been equally hard hit.
According to UNICEF, at least one point 1.2 million children, including Lebanese, Syrian and Palestinian children, have had their education disrupted for more than a year as a result of both the Mass St protest and the COVID-19 pandemic.
Many children last attended school in person in October 2019.
As with health workers, the devaluation of the Lebanese Fund has significantly affected teacher salaries, pushing many to seek opportunities elsewhere.
Many families are unable to cover the cost of education.
Other services are also affected as a result of the low fees collection and currency devaluation.
Water establishments that are in charge of water and wastewater service provision are enable to ensure the maintenance of their assets without support from the international community with no budget received since 2019.
Basic services provided by municipalities from solid waste management to municipal police are also directly affected.
This has also touched the Lebanese Army, with the commander of the Lebanese Armed Forces recently sounding the alarm that the army is also suffering from shortages as increasingly dependent on foreign food assistance for for sustenance, on support for basic equipment to maintain it's operations, as well as on medical aid.
Equally, the internal security forces are facing a similar situation with the same predicaments for its personal With the weakening of the rule of law, the operational space for eight actors is decreasing, ultimately limiting our ability to support the most vulnerable communities, including the refugees.
In fact, the crisis effects everyone in Lebanon, not just the Lebanese.
As you know, Lebanon hosts the highest number of refugee per capita of residents in the world, with over 1,000,000 Syrian refugees and more than 270,000 Palestine refugees.
Our latest survey show alarming levels of poverty among refugees, with 9 of 10 Syrian refugees falling under the extreme poverty line, a 60% increase since 2019.
Around 93% of Syrian households have an average depth of nearly 1,800,000 Lebanese # Fully 96% of the Syrian families are food insecure.
**** levels of poverty are also reported within the 270,000 Palestine refugees living in Lebanon.
In the camps, tensions are growing as families increase their pressure on UNRWA to not only continue to deliver regular services but also increase the relief assistance provided to them.
Refugee protection is a growing issue.
With less money in hand, refugees are less able to prioritise cost for civil documentation and legal residency, putting them in an even more precarious legal situation.
Only 20% of Syrian refugees above 15 years old have valid residency permits.
Furthermore, sea departure are on the rise and there is a considerable risk of chain refoulement with 11 Boats Movement 588 individuals already reported in 2021.
On 18th May this year, for example, a boat carrying 63 CNN reached Cyprus but was returned to Lebanon by Cyprus Cyprus authorities with the generous support from donors.
The Lebanon Crisis Response Plan LCRPA response to the refugee crisis in Lebanon is funded by about 24% of the total appeal, leaving a funding gap to address the impact of the Syria crisis in Lebanon until the end of this year.
On the other hand, migrants who travelled in the past to Lebanon in search for jobs and better living conditions did not fare any better.
According to a recent assessment by the International Organisation for Migration IOM, 70% of mostly Asian and African migrants and domestic workers living in Lebanon, about 400,000 persons report being stranded in the country without work or the means to return home and hence find themselves enabled to meet their basic food needs.
For the United Nature and our partners, it is a matter of professional and legal responsibility to continue to assist and protect the Syrian and the Palestine refugees in Lebanon.
At the same time, we must exercise fully our duty of care and duty to protect in meeting the critical needs of the Lebanese people and foreign migrant workers who are currently suffering the most.
Failure to do so is not just a matter of fairness but equally 1 of stability and do no harm.
The UN in Lebanon, with the support of our long standing partners and generous contribution of donors have been working tirelessly to mitigate and contain the effect of the profound crisis.
Flexible funding mechanism have been crucial in supporting a rapid, coordinated and prioritised response right after the explosion of the Port of Beirut.
This LED actually to more than $316 million that was provided through the rapid emergency response with a very good coordination mechanism with the army as a state of emergency was declared right after.
However, the needs are still considerable.
That's why I am now leading an effort with the humanitarian community to address critical needs in the whole of Lebanon through a time bound, prioritised and evidence based humanitarian response strategy.
We are working on a countrywide multi sector needs assessment which consists of a comprehensive data, solid mapping of the needs across all communities with a specific focus on the Lebanese and migrant worker to articulate an emergency response plan in four main areas, namely food security, nutrition, health and education.
A humanitarian intervention obviously will not be a lasting solution for Lebanon.
This is why alongside humanitarian efforts, the international community, in collaboration with the Lebanese authorities continue to push for a rapid transition towards recovery efforts and the Reform, recovery and reconstruction framework known as Three RF.
And I already had the opportunity in the past to brief you about the Three RF implementation.
This plan will entails a sharp focus on governance, social protection, social cohesion, inclusion and gender, health, education, housing, with special attention to business recovery.
What makes the TRF unique is that it has followed an inclusive and participatory process that has brought together from the very outset and on equal footing, the priorities of civil society, the governments, the parliaments, the private sector, the academia as well as the broad development and diplomatic community.
We are now putting into place an independent oversight body led by the civil society.
Recognition of the role of Csos play in decision making and in ensuring the priorities of the people are voiced out and translated into action.
Lebanon has been without a government though for quite some time.
Almost 10 months have elapsed since the resignation of the government in the wake of Beirut port explosion on 4th of August, and over seven months since Saad Hariri was designated as Prime Minister, tasked with forming a new government that has still not seen the lights.
Despite repeated pleas by the United Nation and the international community, Lebanon's leaders remain entrenched in their position.
The International Support Group for Lebanon, convened in Beirut on 19th of May, called on Lebanon's leader not to delay the formation of a government that must conduct reforms and more.
That responsibility for averting A deeper crisis rests with the Lebanese leadership.
It also called for elections to take place on time.
The elections are integral, integral to restoring a modicum of confidence in state institutions and give the people a platform to articulate grievances and aspirations that have largely remained unrealised since Lebanon's October 2019 popular protests.
International community have warned with increasing urgency that without a government that can implement meaningful structural reforms, no investment will be made beyond the necessary urgent and early recovery.
Ad The lack of an empowered government has already severely impeded Lebanon's capacity to tackle the decisions, policies and reforms required to avert the country's collapse.
Discussions with the IMF remain suspended, with the prospect of an international financing been on hold.
Meanwhile, the work of the Lebanese Armed Forces and the security forces to maintain Lebanon's stability, sovereignty and security has never been more important.
The UN, together with the international partner, is sustaining the pressure on the political leadership to form a government, establish a social safety net and inclusive social protection, and start preparation for the 2022 parliamentary and municipal election.
We are also working to mobilise the continued assistance to Lebanon Security forces and to redo ourselves for an expansion of humanitarian needs should the situation continue to deteriorate.
We are currently at a critical moment of Lebanon's history with no apparent end insight to the multifaciated crisis.
People are feeling defeated, uncertain and afraid.
This stands in stark contrast with the dynamic energy and enthusiasts for change which marked the most popular protest of October 2019, where a broad cross section of Lebanese women, men and youth demanded a more inclusive, accountable and fair Lebanon.
We need to show people that we care and that we stand by them.
No one wants Lebanon to slide into a full scale humanitarian catastrophe.
This is why we are pressing hard the leaders to bring about change and to implement the much needed reforms as soon as possible.
We believe in the recovery of Lebanon because its people are really having all the qualities and the commitment to do so and together we can really build back better.
I know it has been long, but I just wanted to share with you really how the situation has deteriorated, you know, in a country where you used to talk about it only as a great and generous host of a large population of refugees.
And here we are today where we are addressing also the needs of its own people.
Thank you for for this briefing, Najat.
I'm now going to open the floor or virtual floor for questions.
So I will ask you to introduce yourself and your media so that we know I'm going to start with Moussa ASI.
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I must say your presentation was breathtakingly depressing every.
First of all, regarding the notes, if they could be sent right away, not later the afternoon, because we all have deadlines and many things that need to be done and sometimes notes come at four or five in the afternoon and that makes no sense at all.
Now to my comments or or questions rather there there are a number of things that I don't understand regarding your the politicians in Lebanon.
Are they a totally *********** bunch or are they totally venal and corrupt?
Why is it that elections are not being held?
Why are the politicians not forming the government?
I don't understand you say months have gone by.
I mean what are they doing?
Are they sitting in their palatial manners eating well and enjoying their own lives without concern for anyone else?
And are there no social protections in the government for any of these people?
So that the more than a million people that you mentioned who are in desperate need, how do they actually get along?
You talk about negative coping mechanisms, you know, I mean, how do they survive?
And are any of the Syrian refugees returning home because life is miserable in Syria, but maybe it's even more so in Lebanon and don't know about that.
And and then lastly, how much money was appealed for in the response plan?
You say that 24% has been received, so I suppose I could do the math, but would be easier if you have that to give right away.
You see every time I'm going to a country and the situation is is deteriorating here, we are we talk to each other.
So thank you very much for always been there actually to report on on the work.
Just maybe a point of clarification, the election are only next year.
So it's not that the election were not held.
I mean the election are planned for next year.
And what we are doing is actually to make sure that the election will be will be held.
And so far we got reassurance from political leaders that the election will happen on time.
And that was really an advocacy.
We started early enough the the different discussions we had with the politician and and our understanding is that the political deadlock is coming from the fact that they did not agree on the nomination of a number of ministers.
I mean, and what we are doing as United Nation, obviously, but also the members of the international community, with the political leaders, but also with the religious leaders is really to tell them to put the people 1st and the interests of the country first.
And that should really help everybody to overcome any specific issue because the country is really is really collapsing.
Actually, that's, that's the reason why no social protection, you know, I mean, this is the first time ever this country is going through that level of crisis.
And this is the first time ever Lebanese actually are experiencing the need for humanitarian assistance.
So the system there was not actually constructed with a comprehensive and a strong social protection system or plan or strategy.
And in the past, you know, the only, the only humanitarian crisis that exists was actually the humanitarian crisis related to the Syria, the Syria crisis impact.
So in, in really a very short time, the, the situation has really deteriorate very, very quickly.
What, what is in, in the pipe now is an emergency social safety net based on a loan from the World Bank, which would cover 150,000 actually families, which is by the time, you know, it was, it was negotiated, it was really covering all the needs.
But by now it's really, really underestimated because of course, more people are under the line of extreme poverty and because of the devaluation and inflation, more people are in need of humanitarian assistance.
Hence actually the fragility and the vulnerability of the Lebanese and of the migrants.
The migrant crisis as well was not there.
But because of the economic and financial crisis, a lot of the Lebanese families actually have fired their domestic workers.
And because they don't really have a social protection or laws actually which are really enforced to protect them, they find themselves in the street with absolutely no mean to survive.
So it's really a combination of many crisis with with one with one reason, which is definitely a bad governance and or lack of good governance, economic and financial crisis, which led actually to this multi faceted crisis.
No, I mean in Lebanon, yes, the situation is really dire for them and they have been the first impacted by the economic and financial crisis.
But for them returning to Syria is a not an is not an option because what they are telling us is that their safety and security is at stake.
So, you know, unfortunately for them, they are really a dilemma between remaining in a country where really there is a lot of uncertainty about the future or returning to their own country with a lot of fear regarding possible retaliation and and so on.
So we are not expecting and we have not seen really, you know, a big, a big trend of return.
The latest report I got regarding that was that 30,000 people out of more than a million returned to Syria.
So it's far, far from being a trend when it comes to return.
But unfortunately because of the situation in Syria and the situation in Lebanon, what we see is more, you know, of boats who are trying to cross the sea to Cyprus, looking for new, you know, opportunities for them.
And on regular basis they are deported back to Lebanon, which is a new phenomena.
That is really, really a trend, a very worrisome trend.
The 24% I was referring to was to the response to the Syria crisis, the LCRP, not for the new emerging humanitarian needs for the Lebanese and for the migrants.
And appeal for the Syria crisis was $2.7 billion out of which $255,000,000 were were received.
But we received also outside of the appeal $138 million, which is helping us also and starting helping us addressing needs, emerging needs of of the Lebanese and the migrant workers.
We are finalising the emergency response plan for the Lebanese and the migrants.
And as soon as it is ready, of course, I will be able to brief you by then.
And, and trust me, you will get, you will get the remarks right after, right after the press briefing.
Thank you very much, Lisa.
And thank you, Najaj, for all of that.
You say that the country is collapsing.
I mean, you say that reforms have to be instituted.
I mean, how much time do give it?
Elections are a year away.
That's a long time from now in this situation that is so as dire as you as you picture it to be.
And then would you would just speak a bit more about the impact of COVID upon the the whole population, all, all of the, the different elements You just mentioned it, but how serious is it?
And are there any vaccinations?
And if I mean vaccines available?
And if so, will they be given to all peoples or just, you know, certain priorities, the Lebanese and, you know, pecking order?
Well, Lisa, you know me, I mean, I would never envisage the, when it will collapse on the country.
Everything I will do as, as the resident and humanitarian coordinator is to make sure that it won't collapse.
So, and, and actually we are really working very hard not only as United Nation, but with all the international community to, to, to make sure it's, it does not collapse because we believe that the country can afford not to collapse.
Now, of course, it's much more difficult because we have a caretaker government who is not empowered fully by Constitution for them to really go ahead with the number of sorry, OK, censorship.
So Lisa, I have been told that he did not hear what I said.
Are we back to do you hear me?
I sent a message to chat because I didn't hear you your answer at all.
OK good some someone is trying to to shut me down.
What I was saying is that I'm, I'm not going to address when it will collapse because we are, we will do everything possible to make sure that the country won't collapse.
And the whole point and the purpose of this briefing, but also of all the actions and, and advocacy and support we are providing not only as United Nations, but also the international community, is to avoid the total collapse of the country.
We believe it is possible, of course, because there are still a lot of committed and talented Lebanese who who we can rely on actually to make sure that this is not going to happen.
Of course, it is facing a lot of challenges, including dealing with the caretaking governments and a caretaking government is constrained by the constitution, so they cannot really come up with new laws or submit new laws.
So it's really how we can overcome those challenges to make sure that the country is not going to reach total collapse.
But again, as I told Moussa before, that is ultimately the responsibility of the Lebanese.
It's not the responsibility of the international community.
But we stand ready to support whenever I mean this kind of reforms are are put in place.
They are though some some progress I have.
We have also to address that, for example, last week they finalised a law for the public procurement, which is really a very good law, meeting the international standards and ultimately would address seriously all the institutional corruption, you know, the big money with the big contract, public contract.
So that is really a huge step.
It's really a huge step and we have pushed hard for that, you know, World Bank, you and EU and all the international community.
So we are seeing some progress happening and definitely an awareness that things need to change, things cannot be business as usual and that there is an urgency.
The we would like everybody to have this sense of urgency and we can't also unknown the media to also ring the red alerts, you know, and, and bring the attention to the sense of urgency.
The impact of COVID are on Lebanon was as as important if, and actually even more important important than in other countries.
For example, because of the closure of the of the schools, a lot of women lost their jobs because they had to stay home for to work with their kids and because they could not afford anyway to have a nanny.
So that was a really a very important impact of the COVID which obviously impacted negatively their coping mechanism and increased also domestic violence.
And the figures are, are really, are really saying a lot the, the, a lot of very small micro and small businesses closed down because the country did not have a system actually to, to support them because of the system that, I mean, it's a free economy very much based on the private sector.
So a lot of small businesses could not, could not survive.
And that's why, for example, part of the recovery following the explosion, the micro and small businesses in Beirut and Mont Lebanon are benefiting from some micro assistance, you know, with some cash assistance to help them just survive so they can really preserve the business until things are getting better.
Obviously the successive lockdowns, total lockdowns, which actually were really needed because the situation at the certain stage was completely out of control and the number of cases was huge, really huge.
So they had to come up with a total lockdown that had a huge economic impact on, on the, on the country and, and socially.
Obviously, you know, it's added to the, to the frustration of the population.
Thankfully the vaccination lately, I have to say the last two months we have seen an acceleration with the new mechanism they have put in place regarding the marathon.
You know, so every weekend they organise a marathon which is a walk in.
You know, you don't have to to have an appointment.
People are just coming, walking, getting the vaccine and leaving.
And this is really, really going the much better than it was before.
That said, you know, given the number of cases of COVID, I can tell you our estimation is that most probably 50% of the population got infected.
So they are very close to the herd immunity.
But we are monitoring very closely and non discriminated and fair access to the vaccines.
And we started that already in January before even they got the first batch of vaccines where we made sure that not only all Lebanese have the same fair access to the vaccine, but also the migrants and the refugees through the Kovacs facility.
And there is a very strong monitoring body, you know, because part of the vaccines is, is funded by a loan from the World Bank.
So and there is 1/3 an independent third party for the monitoring of the whole operation.
In the beginning of the vaccination, there has been some incident or let's say some attempt to have some privilege.
But very quickly we reacted.
I reacted as an RCHC with the very firm official letter, but also statement.
The World Bank even threatened them with suspending the loan if ever the access to the vaccines is not, is not as fair, as transparent as it should be.
I don't see any other question, but please, if you have any, just let us know.
So in that case, thanks a lot Najat for this very interesting briefing and taking the time to to meet with us and answer all the the questions.
Thank you all and have a nice day.