It is 12:30, so let's be punctual.
I would like to firstly welcome you very much to this virtual press conference with the Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic.
I'm very pleased to welcome the three members of the Commission, Chairperson Paolo Pinero and Hani Megali, and Professor Lynn Welchman, who was appointed to her role on the Commission on the 1st of December.
We issued a press release at that time.
The Commissioners are here to present to you their latest report, which addresses the human rights situation in Syria over the course of the second-half of last year.
The Commissioners will also address more recent developments in the country.
The report and press release that we shared with you are now online and therefore the embargo has been lifted.
I should note that there is an Arabic version of the report which I did not share with you under embargo earlier, but that is now also available via the press release which I just sent out to you.
I should also point out that the Commissioners are due to present this report to the Human Rights Council on 18 March in person.
So without further ado, I'll now hand over to Professor Piniro for opening remarks before turning to you for your questions.
Dear friends, it is a pleasure to see you all, even if virtually.
I am joined here victually by my fellow Commissioners, Hani, Megali and Lynn Welshman.
Please allow me a moment to very briefly introduce Professor Welshman.
She's a Professor of law at SOAS London, a distinguished academic with vast human rights experience in the Middle East and North Africa.
And we are very fortunate to welcome here to the Commission.
We are here present to to you to present to you our latest report on human rights situation Syria, covering the last six months of 2021.
Some of you may be asking what lessons can be learnt from Syria crisis eleven years, in particular the role of Russia.
When you look at what is happening in the Ukraine today, of course Ukraine is not in our mandate.
The failure to respect human rights and international humanitarian law in Syria has eroded respect for fundamental arts and exposedly a deadly cynicism and hypocrisy by armoured actors where might makes right and denial and obfuscation are employed to deflect blame of criticism and undermine accountability.
Just look at the situation today for Syrians who have lived through a devastating 10 years of conflict.
Hundreds of thousands have been killed, more than half of the pre war population, so more to 22 million have been displaced.
In the northwest, particularly Idlib governorate, 2.8 millions of internally displaced are there and 1.7 million in displacement sites in that territory.
More than 100,000 are missing or forcibly disappear.
Serious cities and infrastructure had been destroyed.
Today, the poverty rate in Syria is an unprecedented 90 percent.
14.6 million people in Syria depend today on Mediterranean aid.
Warring parties attempted to resolve the Syrian conflict militarily, even if the same parties repeated that there is no solution for the the Syrian crisis.
But a political solution over the past decade have enabled the violation of nearly every core human rights, the Commission of almost every crime against humanities in the Rome Institute, and nearly every war crime.
We can only hope that the world leaders are doing everything now that they can avoid a similar fate for Ukraine.
In a continuing pattern documented by the Commission for years, Proverb and forces including Syrian and since September 2015 from the Russian Federation forces operating side by side have continued to indiscriminately bomb densely populated areas in the northwest of Syria.
Their attacks killed and injured civilians also where Russian fixed wing aircraft were observed over the target areas.
Civilians were also targeted and killed by sophisticated personable type precision guided artillery attacks.
In the 14 attacks by Syrian Russian forces that we detailed in the northwest you may see at Annex 4 of the present report.
Over this past few months scores of children were killed, including on their way to school and the last function of medical centre in Jabal Al Zawiya was rendered inoperable.
At the same time as Russia and Syria are insisting on humanitarian aid being delivered from Damascus rather than cross-border, their attacks in the northwest occur along the very Rd where such cross line humanitarian aid would travel.
Many Syrian ID PS in the northwest, as we have mentioned, I still living in flinched tents, is stuck in snow, rain, mud and the actor.
Some actors seem to spend more energy on preventing it to get them rather than facilitating it.
We worry, too, about the negative consequence of the Ukraine crisis on Syria.
Inflation is already skyrocketing and the government has begun rationing essential commodities, including fuel.
Prices of imports have shot up, and we should remember that most of Syria wheat import comes precisely from Ukraine and Russia.
Friends, we have also been concerned by recent reporting on Systemic failures, investigations into possible war crimes, and other incidents causing civilian harm in Syria in 2018-2019 by the United States LED coalition.
We repeat our recommendation to the United States and to all parties to conduct credible, independent, and impartial investigations into incidents entailing civilian casualties in which their forces are implicated, to ensure those responsible for violations are held uncountable, to ensure no repetition to make their findings transparent.
In our investigation, we will also find that government force and other parties to the conflict continue to arbitrarily detain and torture, perceive the political opponents and those who speak out, including their death.
They also continue to deliberately conceal the fate and whereabouts of detainees, in many cases leaving family members disposed to distortion for information or in danger of arrest or physical risks when searching searching for missing loved ones.
We have commended the UN General Assembly for the adopting resolution 76-2000 28 requesting the Secretary General to study this issue and have lent our voice to those of the families of missing and disappeared in Syria in calling for the creation of an independent international mandate to coordinate and consolidate claims regarding those missing, including people subjected to enforced disappears.
My friends, gender based discrimination and violence continues in Syria.
Internally displaced women more often like necessary civil documentation and struggle to access their very legal rights.
Girls are increasingly forced into early marriage and boys are sent to do child labour or recruited into the conflict.
The **** Tahrir Alsham HTS group controlling the Idlib pocket enforce so-called morality codes with amounts to gender based discrimination in the report Annex 5 Roman or we also know the small, discreet but increasing repatriation by member states of their citizens detained in the notorious all whole all all Rush camps in office city, but close to 60,000 attorneys, 40,000 of their children and most other women.
I still unlawfully held in the camps in appalling conditions amounting to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.
In the last almost three years, the camp residents are under constant risk of being injured, killed or trafficked.
More than 90 murders and 40 attempted murders have occurred in all hall alone in the past year.
We are repeating our call for Member States to bring home their woman and children from the camps.
The recent heavy fighting in and around the SDF ran Alsina prison in the neighbourhood of Hazaka city in the northeast, in which hundreds were killed and thousands displaced, highlighted the plight of hundreds of teenage boys detained together with around 12,000 men suspected of links with ISO in the SDF controller detention centre.
Finally, of course, we have welcomed the important ruling this January by the Koblen Skirt in Germany against a former Syrian intelligence office active in Due in the notorious Branch 251, who was found guilty of crimes against humanity and sentenced to live in prison.
There has been small but welcome progress on accountability in the report.
We again recommend Member States to redouble their efforts in this regard.
Finally, to conclude, I like to repeat that the plight of the Syrian people is not only a cautionary tale for other conflict, as it is often being framed in the media now, but the present situation that is still requires concerted diplomatic focus, humanitarian action and compassion for all Syrians, whether inside Syria or as refugees or internally displaced or as island seekers abroad.
I look forward to your questions and clarifications.
Thank you, Paulo, very much for those opening remarks.
Colleagues, we will share these remarks with you shortly and I see quite a number of hands up.
So we'll start with Lisa Schlein from Voice of America.
Oh, it's afternoon, Rolando, good afternoon and good afternoon Commissioners.
Thank you for doing this.
I do have a a few quick questions for you.
I was wondering, now that Russia is occupied with Ukraine, is it continuing to bomb Idlib, Aleppo, other areas?
Is it still involved in the Syrian conflict which goes on?
And I was wondering whether you think that the Russian military is replicating the strategy that it used in Syria to crush the civilian population into submission, whether they are doing the same thing in Ukraine right now.
Then I'd like to ask you whether in your report you talk about the population is suffering most from sanctions and they should be reviewed, which in which sanctions in particular should be reviewed?
And since you did mention, Paulo, that that the Ukrainian inflation and other aspects of the war were affecting Syria as well.
Could you elaborate, you know, any of you commissioners elaborate upon that?
How, how the you know, the blowback from the Ukrainian war, what is happening to the millions of Syrian civilians?
Yes, I, I, we are seeing here since 2015 the similar practise by the Russian Federation in, in the conflict that we are assisting in in another country today.
But I think that is this is very important to take that this is happening for the, the last seven years that this is, this is is very important to always to take this in consideration.
But I I pass to the floor to my colleague honey that you like to elaborate on this issue, these issues.
Thanks, Paulo and thank you Lisa for for the questions on on the first one.
I mean it's early days, but we've not noted any change in, in the Russian presence in, in Syria.
If we do, of course we'll we'll report on it.
Your question on are they doing the same things in the Ukraine?
You know, we're, we're monitoring the situation in Syria and, and only reading the headlines on what's happening in Ukraine.
But of course, we're, we're worried that with the conduct in Syria has been one not to be repeated anywhere else with indiscriminate attacks on civilians and targeted attacks on medical facilities.
And you know, the conflict may be different in that, you know, the Russian Federation is in Syria to assist the government, whereas in Ukraine they're there to, to remove it.
It's, you know, they're using more air power in Syria and less people on the ground.
You know, in the Ukraine, you know, as you've seen, there's a massive number of soldiers inside the country now, etcetera.
So there are differences we should be aware of, but generally the, the disregard for civilian casualties is one of our biggest concern in Syria.
And, and I would hope, you know, that's not being repeated in, in the Ukraine on the, on the sanctions question, I think given the situation that Paulo described in Syria, which is sort of teetering really on, on collapse, we're concerned from what we're hearing that although the sanctions imposed by different countries are meant to be smart and targeted and there are exceptions that should facilitate humanitarian assistance, that in practise, this is not really working very well and that there are hindrances which are causing shortages.
Some of the banks and, and, and other suppliers, because they don't want to be seen to be going against the sanctions, are essentially being very cautious, overly cautious.
And there's over compliance in a sense.
And This is why we're saying we would like to see, you know, reviews of the sanctions, you know, country by country that's imposing them.
And of course, the last question on the impact of Ukraine, we're already seeing, you know, you know, the inflation in Syria was at 140% at the beginning of the year.
We're seeing the state already begin to ration.
We're seeing the prices of commodities, basic commodities and, and fuel going up.
You know, as Paulo said, you know Syria and you know, most of the Syria imported wheat is coming from Ukraine or Russia.
So we are very concerned that the, you know, the, the, the war in Ukraine will have a, a bad impact in Syria.
I have a question now from Laurent Ciero and Swiss Residency.
Yeah, thank you, Rolando and thank you commissioners for the press conference.
I had actually similar question that needs on on Ukraine.
So let me ask you about all their components.
First COVID, where do we stand in, in the current situation regarding COVID in, in Syria?
And is the vaccination rate increasing?
And then what about the situation of Syrians, Syrian refugees that decided to come back?
Thank you, come back here to the country.
So, Laurent, I, I mean, the, in terms of the pandemic, of course, this, the situation looks very serious.
We rely heavily, of course, on data provided by our sister UN organisations.
And our understanding is although there's been a little bit of an increase, you know, the, the rate of vaccinations is at the sort of like 3% of the population in, in Syria.
This is a country that you know after 10 years of conflict.
Many of the hospitals and medical facilities have been destroyed quite often quite deliberately as part of the of the strategy of the of the conflict there.
So it's very worrying in a country where people can't turn easily for medical assistance to the hospital and medical facilities that the rate of vaccinations is, is so low.
And of course we'll, you know, as we've said in the past, with so many people also in detention in the 10s of thousands, that's also a worry for us that even though you know, we haven't seen it do that as yet, you know that the variant could catch hold within the detention facilities and spread around the country very quickly.
On the, the second question, I think was I've lost track of the second question.
If somebody could, could you repeat it to me?
Laura, do you mind repeating that for, for honey, please?
It was about the situation of refugees.
You know, we've been trying to track what happens when people go back.
And of course, other organisations who have had more access inside Syria, like Amnesty and, and Human Rights Watch have already reported where they're seeing people who've gone back, have have been detained, some have been ill treated in detention, etcetera.
We don't have access inside Syria.
So we're trying to track it through interviewing people from the outside.
But I think you have to remember that, you know, people who left are being seen by the government in Syria as, as as in a sense, traitors who've left the country when the country needed them, especially if they're men who are of fighting age.
Because, you know, the question mark that's put on them is, you know, we needed you in the military to fight, you know, for the country and you left.
So you can expect if they go back, they're not going to be welcomed easily with open arms.
But we, you know, specific details.
I think much of what we've heard, although we're still trying to, you know, we have a different way of investigating much of it, you know, I think is consistent with the reports that are already out and that you've seen.
Paolo, did you want to add something?
Unmute it's OK now, yes, Syria receive a large quantity of vaccines, but the the last count that we did and of course it's not in the report around only 7% of the the Syrian population is, is vaccinated.
Then, of course, is compared to to the situation in many countries is a very worrying situation.
Jan, if you wouldn't mind introducing yourself, please and if we can unmute.
Jan, thank you very much.
This is Jan Kuhlman from the German press agency DPA.
In your report, you mentioned that the number of girls pushed into early marriages has increased in the in the last years.
Is this seen nationwide in Syria or are there some certain areas like like where you have most of the displayed persons, people that it is happening and do you have any statistics about it or is it just a general observation?
My colleagues for sure like to elaborate on that.
But I, I would just say that of course, we cannot have a national appraisal because we cover some regions and in Syria and of course in some regions we have observed what is a written report.
But I I I invite my colleagues to elaborate more on that.
Maybe I can jump in and I don't know name if you want to, to add, but, but essentially, you know, we're seeing this more with ID PS and particularly ID PS in in camps, because what we're seeing is, and you know, this is again, looking at the gendered aspects of the conflict.
Young girls are vulnerable to being trafficked.
And so often families themselves are trying to marry off their young girls to protect them.
You know, if they're not, you know, married and attached, then they're vulnerable to to all sorts of things.
And, and that's a big worry for us, you know, with young boys, we're seeing more, they're being picked up and, and, and recruited into the conflict or being, you know, you know, taken into employment of various forms, including employment that's illegal and, and involved in, in things like the drug, drug trade, etcetera.
But I think Lynn wants to add to that.
Yes, just very briefly, we, we don't have our own statistics on this, but we do learn from from UN colleagues that since 2011 there's been an increase in child marriage or early marriage, both child marriage, early marriage of around 48%, which is 48% of girls being married before 18.
Whereas before we understand before 2011 it was around 8%.
So that's a massive increase in early marriage.
Thank you, Professor Welchman and Hani, of course, we have a question from Jeremy of Radio France International.
Jeremy yes, thank you, Rondo.
Most of my questions have been asked, but maybe I'd like to have a, maybe a personal comment from from from the the members, maybe Pina, Mr Polo Pinero, If I if I may ask my my question in French.
So down the camp, down the distraction and Cusilla said said that risk donko UN quote boku conversation trao catrefa pandela nidu haply la crista.
Yes, a curious identification here at number 366539.
If you can tell us who you are and maybe you rename yourself if, if we can maybe unmute whoever that is and find out.
If, if that's me, Rolando, it's Stephanie from, oh, Stephanie.
Of course we know Stephanie well as your royal name.
Sorry, I don't know why that's popping up.
Definitely from Reuters, please.
Thanks for taking my question.
Just going back to the report a bit and to your concerns about stalled or incomplete US investigations into civilian casualties, particularly that incident in Bagus a few years ago, which the Defence Secretary said in in late November, they would be, you know, looking at again.
And I believe the understanding of the time was that there was like a 90 day timeline for that.
Have you, I don't know if this is maybe a question for Hanny or who, who might have been following this.
What is your understanding of the status of that?
And do you have other sort of wider concerns about the US Coalition's conduct of war, I mean, besides this?
You know, rather large incident which killed scores.
You know, if you look back at some of our earlier reports where the the US has been involved in, in what we seem to be civilian casualties, you know, two things.
You know, usually the US, you know, will immediately acknowledge their involvement, which, you know, in other cases, other parties don't often do that.
But then the investigations have been, from our perspective, not sufficient.
You know, they've tended to look at more at, you know, where protocols followed, you know, in carrying out the action as opposed to trying to find out what happened and then look at, you know, could we have done it differently, etcetera.
And in, in the end, most of their conclusions have been, you know, protocols were followed, everything was fine.
And in some cases they've gone as far as to say, you know, you know, we're not responsible for civilian casualties or there are no civilian casualties.
So we've consistently been pressing for more detailed investigations.
And as you've seen in recent months, reports have been coming out, including the New York Times reports that show that these investigations are really not up to scratch.
And, and this is very worrying and we've taken it up obviously again in Washington.
Now the recommendation in our report obviously is geared towards the US, but it's all the other parties, you know, and I have to say, you know, whereas we're saying with the US the investigations are not up to scratch and we're concerned about some of the tactics and and strategies.
The other parties often completely deny when the evidence is there or don't carry out investigations etcetera.
So in the context where we've said everybody in in this in this war in Syria is guilty of committing crimes, including war crimes, you know, we would expect the US to to do better.
And we are disappointed that they're not.
Turn out to Isabel Sacco of Spanish News Agency.
Paolo, you wanted to add something on the previous question.
No, I'd like just to, to underline, to stress something that Honey said what we have written about the coalition led by the United States.
It's not the only approach that we have during this the last 10 years.
We are approaching all the parties, all the parties and the, the, all the main parties and any other party.
This is a regular routine of the work of the the the Commission, because the Commission and the the main powers, the the so much worried about accountability.
I think that accountability works also for each Member State involved in this conflict.
Now we can turn to Isabel from the Spanish News Agency.
I, I would like to ask on the Hani said that this crisis is not as unstable crisis.
And you said also in the in the report that there is a recent escalation in violence in Syria.
And as we are all very focused and it's our shame also, but the very focus and train and maybe missing things in in Syria happening under series.
I would like to to ask if they can explain a little bit on this recent escalation of violence in Syria.
Which is the most recent impact for the civil population?
I wonder if there is force displacement still occurring in Syria these last months or weeks.
And separately, I would like also to to hear about if you have information on the remaining or political prisoners.
OK, let me jump in and then then the others may want to add, you know, the, the sense I think the world may have is, you know, there have been now cease fires and when the conflict is is coming to an end in Syria.
But actually, while we've seen, of course, a massive drop in the in, in terms of the the regular fighting, what we've seen in the last six or nine months is that's going up again.
You know, in the northwest we're seeing increased shelling and aerial bombardments from from the Syrian state and the Russian Federation and shelling from, from the ground, including, you know, use of indiscriminate weapons, but also targeted targeted rockets, including now we're seeing the introduction of the crust of all rocket into this area and of course shelling back from from HTS and the numbers of casualties are are going back up.
We're seeing skirmishes between the Syrian National Army and, and the Syrian Defence Forces, the the Turkish backed forces and the Kurdish backed forces which continue, you know, and, and in most cases these are indiscriminate shellings on both sides.
So civilians get caught up in it and we're seeing civilian casualties going up again.
You will all remember back in, in towards the end of last year, or at least you know, from the June to September period, Syrian Army forces were deployed and in the South and Darah al Ballad because they could see resistance on the up there.
You know, the, the, the town was besieged for for 10 weeks.
Eventually, you know, the agreement was reached.
But we did see you were asking about the displacement of populations.
We, we did see as part of that agreement again, people being displaced from their homes under an agreement and sent up to the north where we understood at least initially somewhere also detained up there.
And of course, it was horrific to see siege tactics again in Syria after the experiences we we saw over a number of years after the start of the conflict.
So our worry is that it's not a war that's coming to an end.
It's actually on the uptick again.
And and there's always the fear then that there will be land movement.
You know, although it's been fairly static that, you know, Syrian forces will try and move much further into the Idlib region.
You know, Turkey has always been, it's saying it's willing to support the, the Syrian forces, it's supporting to, to be pushing back into, on the border areas and, and in their clashes with the, with the, with the Kurdish forces.
And overall, as Paulo explained in the beginning, you know, this is a country with an economic crisis, with a humanitarian crisis and with a conflict that's over 10 years.
It's a country that's been destroyed and can't take much more of this.
And we're seeing it now, you know, plunging more into crisis wherever you look.
And, and of course, we'd like the, the media to pay more attention to Syria, particularly at this time when if eyes are gazing at elsewhere, then we may see actors on the ground take take advantage of that on the prisoner population.
You know, it continues to be, of course, a major concern that 10s of thousands of people are in detention and 10s of thousands of people are, you know, maybe up to 100,000 or more are, are missing.
You know, we've supported very much the call by the, by the families of those who are missing for greater action by the international community.
And, and you've seen there's been a General Assembly resolution, the secretary General is.
Actually with the help of OHCHR now drafting a report back to the to the General Assembly, which we would hope will lead to action.
You know, the families are asking for an international mechanism on the issue of the missing and disappeared in Syria, particularly those in detention.
And you know, we've been supporting that call, but at the very least we would like to see focused international attention for this particular area.
I if you don't mind, John, I think Isabel, do you have a direct follow up to your question?
Yeah, yes, he says we'll go to John afterwards.
It's just he and you mentioned the Syrian forces may further go into into Italy.
Is do you feel that the Syrian government has the plan to retake Idlib?
You know, I, I can't, of course I can't tell you what the plans are.
But but publicly, of course, the government in Syria has said, you know, they will not stop until they've regained control over the whole territory of Syria.
And so, you know, the skirmishes we're seeing in the shelling and the aerial bombardment in the Idlib region is of course presented as well as a, as a fight against terrorism with Haiti.
Tahir Sham, you know, an an entity that the, the UN itself describes as a, as a terrorist organisation, you know, gives the Syrians, the, the Syrian government the reasoning to say we will continue to bombard until we retake that area.
You know, the NE again, you know, it's always been I think understood that there's an autonomous authority there.
But the Syrian government in Damascus has never said we're giving up on the North East.
So the concern is always the war will not come to an end until there's a political solution.
And I my fear is, and I think my colleagues also, I think share that fear is for 10 years people have looking, I've been looking for military solutions when what's needed in Syria is a is a political solution and a recognition of the of the of the reasons why we have a conflict in Syria today.
Thank you very much, Annie.
Now we can turn to John Zaracostas.
Yes, good afternoon there.
My question is to both the to all three speakers the the ICC, what has been their role in the Syrian conflict given if my reading of the Rome Statute is right, the prosecutor has freedom of movement to initiate his own investigations aside of member states or the UN Security Council.
And I've got a follow up question concerning sanctions.
John, wonder if you don't mind just asking this follow up question so we can take it all together.
Yeah, with reference to to the sanctions and what Honey was mentioning about over compliance from the point of view of international law, some of the issues that are put by the various sanctions entities in major Western countries, whereas the US Treasury or the EU should not be there at all since they are under international humanitarian law meant to be exempt like medical supplies and they have to require licencing from these entities, which delays the whole process.
Shall I, shall I jump in initially, John, thanks for for the questions.
You know, Simply put, I think in the early days of the conflict, there was the hope that the the Syria contexts would be discussed at the Security Council and, and the Security Council would refer in the Syria situation to the International Criminal Court, which is another way of triggering involvement by the International Criminal Court.
And of course that's been blocked in Syria by vetoes in the Security Council by vetoes.
And so attention shifted to other means, you know, universal jurisdiction or national jurisdictions in, in countries where that's possible, where, for example, you have Syrian refugees inside those countries or, or, or perpetrators who have left Syria but are in some of those countries and could then be brought to trial.
And then we've, we've been assisting, I think in, in, in over 60 such investigations now, you know, in Europe and elsewhere, also with the help of the of the triple IM, you know, who have been mandated really to take up these issues.
And we've seen, you know, as Paulo mentioned, you know, Koblenz was a was a big break breakthrough.
But there have been other convictions and there are other investigations going on.
It's an important signal, of course, to those on the ground in Syria that there will not be impunity for, for the violations that are being committed.
And it's also, I think, a morale booster for Syrians.
We're seeing what's happened to them.
And now we're seeing that the international community is beginning to to take action on it, judicial action and, and prosecutions.
It's possible that that the, you know, the prosecutor at the ICC may choose to look at what's going on in Syria and, but, but often, you know, what triggers the ICC is member states who have signed the Rome Statute.
You know, there's been speculation that, for example, Jordan is a part of the Rome Statute and maybe that could, could help trigger the, the ICC with in the Syria context.
But I think that's looking ahead on the sanctions.
I think the, the biggest problem with the sanctions, with the over compliance with the sanctions is, is movement of money.
You know, banks need to be moving money for, to be able to purchase the goods and the money is not being moved because the banks are being overly cautious and don't feel they have enough.
You know, you, you can talk about exemptions, but until you have something in your hand that says you are exempt and can go ahead with your action, you're going to be cautious and say, well, you know, I don't take the risk because if I'm found to, you know, run guilty of breaking the sanctions, then the consequences are going to be severe.
And those are the areas that that I think need to be reviewed amongst others, to actually unblock the blockages and and allow the the humanitarian assistance to flow back to your around unless foul or or lane.
Sorry, I was speaking in the muted microphone.
I guess if the other commissioners don't want to add, then we'll turn to to Nick of the New York Times.
Thank you very much for taking the question.
It's a question really about the pattern of conflict in the Northwest, which you talk about.
I mean, you talk about an escalation in air attacks, but looking at the report only, I think 2 of the 15 incidents that you detail actually involve air strikes by Russian aircraft.
So, and one of those was a highly targeted attacks.
So we don't seem to be seeing the kind of indiscriminate air attacks on civilian infrastructure that we saw a couple of years ago.
And I, I just wonder if you could sort of square that circle for me.
And the second question is on our whole, what do you think is driving this extraordinary increase in, in murders that you report?
Is there a pattern to that?
Is this related to an increase in ISIL activity in the area again?
Yeah, If you could just flesh that out a little bit more.
Yes, I think, you know, maybe to just clarify the picture a bit more.
And in the Northwest, you know, when the ceasefire came into effect, essentially the hope was the fighting would cease and then actions would be taken, you know, that were agreed with the ceasefire in terms of dealing with, with, you know, terrorist groups in the area and, and, you know, improving the lives of the of the civilians.
And don't forget, of course, and I think most of you haven't, you know, we still have a huge number of Idps stuck at the border with Turkey in, in awful conditions.
But what we're talking about is, you know, going from a lull and fighting to increasing skirmishes, which maybe then, you know, start of something else.
And, and that's what we've been seeing particularly in the in the last 6-6 or nine months that there are more regularity and particularly, you know, shelling I think which and shelling using, you know, several types of weapons, you know, improvised rocket assisted munitions, you know, into densely populated areas.
We're seeing shelling with more sophisticated targeted weapons, including the as I mentioned there across Nepal.
We're seeing more and more use, you know by many parties of of drones that are essentially either locating and then pinpointing where shelling should take place, even if the shelling is is often indiscriminate.
And we're seeing an increase in the aerial, in the aerial bombardments.
Now it's not back to the days of when the conflict was ongoing everyday, but it's a signal that, you know, the war has not stopped.
And perhaps it's a softening up as we've seen in the past before other actions, other actions get taken on our whole and, and the murders, you know, 90, as Paulo mentioned, you know, part of the picture is obviously the Islamic State is, is we're seeing it back on the rise and, and the attack on the, on the Alsina prison, I think is a is an example of that.
But it's also the fact that I think in alcohol and rose, essentially the security that's provided by by the SDF and, and with international support is outside, not inside.
Essentially, it's too dangerous for them to be inside.
So they're basically keeping people inside and, and patrolling the, you know, around the, the camps.
And in that sense, it's given people inside the camps the upper hands.
And this is again where we see murders happening for different reasons, you know, whether it's it's revenge, whether it's to try and impose and, you know, the will of certain factions within the camps.
You know, it LED eventually, I think for some, particularly third country nationals, third, meaning not Syrian or Iraqi, to be moved by the by the SDF to to an area of the camp and then to an area outside the camp.
But I think it is basically within the camps.
There's really no authority that's in charge, that's maintaining a sort of loan order.
Thank you very much, Honey.
Lynn, please, we have please go ahead.
Yes, just to add very briefly to what Honey said, and you will know this from the reports, the conditions to the hall are absolutely appalling.
And the number of children and other numbers of mostly women who are detained come in turn there.
It's I mean, it's a, it's a dreadful situation humanitarian wise and security wise.
And it's one of the things that we are most concerned about in terms of what's happening here, which they want that in some cases could at least be addressed by third nations who are able to take back their nationals with their children.
And it's something that we have included in our recommendations.
I thought Nick's hand went up again.
Just to follow up on our role.
I mean, my understanding is that the failure of some states to repatriate the nationals is itself a violation of of international law.
And I wonder if do you have access to the camp and are you in a position to perhaps detail which states are in fact in direction of duty respect to specific?
As you know, I mean, just to remind everyone, we don't have access to any part of Syria because we're not allowed to, to go into Syria.
You know, we keep asking the government in Damascus to, to give us that permission.
So we're having to do a lot of this, you know, remotely and, and through other means.
I think the, the, the real problem has been from the beginning, many countries, and there are more than 60 countries with nationals held in, in, in the camps.
Many countries took the position that these women and children are attached to suspected fighters and we don't want them back for a number of reasons.
You know, if we bring them back, it will be difficult to to put them on trial because we won't have the evidence of any crimes they're committed while they were there.
So let's leave them there because it's best that they get tried where they are.
That in essence, you know, we don't want to bring back to our country the ideologies that they that they have, which is again, I think, you know, painting everybody with the same brush.
And and we must remember that, you know, especially with the women and now the children are completely innocent.
But you know, many of the women were trafficked into that situation.
It's not we should not assume that they all went thinking we're going to go join, you know, a violent group where you know that they're all radicalised.
In fact, they're being radicalised by being left where they are for the last three years in, as Lynn described, awful conditions.
You know, some governments then began saying and, and you know, we're talking about most of the governments in Europe, you know, the United States and, you know, in a strange combination, the United States and the Russian Federation, we're the ones right at the beginning we said we will take back our nationals.
Practically everybody else was saying we don't want them back.
And what we're seeing changing now is because, you know, there is no solution to leaving them there.
More and more countries, you know, and you know, we can talk about the number of European countries, for example, are beginning to take them back.
And initially they were saying we'll take back the children, but not the mothers.
And as you know, you know, the, and if you're thinking about what were the best interests of the, of the children, you should not be separating them from the mothers.
And the numbers are not so huge that the countries really can't take them back and, and look at either ways of bringing them to justice or, or rehabilitating them.
And understanding the context in which they were, they were, you know, they found themselves in the situation that they're in.
It's slightly different context in terms of the men who are, who are mostly in in detention centres and probably around 12,000.
But there again, you know, we're concerned that children who essentially when they look like they've reached fighting age when they're over 12, they have been moved from the camps, taken away from their mothers and held them with the adult suspects, suspected fighters of the Islamic State, which again, is not the solution.
It's actually something that's creating a new problem.
You know, we're radicalising young children, you know, between 12 and 18, putting them with potential fighters and, and adults who have been involved in, in, in conflict on the side of the Islamic State when again, first they should be separated and not held with suspected criminals and, and, and they should be allowed to go back to their, to their home countries.
Thank you both very much.
I think we'll need to leave it there.
I should just point out colleagues, that in fact the council today is holding a panel discussion on that very theme of children who have been caught in armed conflict.
And the theme is of that, of family reunification.
And one of the panellists is a young man who is an orphan who was left.
It's it's a very sobering story.
So it's to that point, OK, before I OK.
I think, Peter, you had a question as well.
Orlando, I'd like to add something.
You go ahead and then we'll turn to Peter for maybe one last question.
I just like to add something that Hani said and that we are repeating in meetings with the Member States.
What is this scandalous is that those children, even even they, are not the European nationality, but in nationality.
Until 12, they are kept with their mothers, but after 12, they are considered terrorists and then they are put together with adults.
And if and more more specifically in some prisons, this is completely unacceptable.
That is all the time while remembering the value of the human rights conventions, but this for years is being repeated On this, those children are being punished by crimes that they didn't have committed.
That is what is a really a scandal in the situation of the crisis in Syria.
And then one last question from Peter Kenny.
It's just a very short question actually.
I just wanted to ask you.
Many of these reports has the Commission given.
Does anyone have the answer of their?
Yeah, I I wanted a specific number because we are always counting exactly 42 reports.
But I is very important to to consider this reports.
Of course the they have a sort of alternative value for what we are doing for the future.
I imagine if one day we are not proposing that, but if one day there will be a tough Commission, this will be a treasure for any exercise of a a tough Commission.
I think that is very important that civil society in Syria and in abroad, they used this report and these reports have been used in the trials invoking the universal jurisdiction.
Then that is we are happy, we are happy to do this, this report because the victims, they like the report.
This is very important for for us Deanna it's and besides the reports, I think that almost a full time activity in in meeting the Member States, meeting the the energies trying to be perceived by the international media.
Deanna, we are, we are very proud of this Fortitude report and for the wonderful team that we are have to to help us to present these reports as the one that we are discussing today.
And of course, as you all know, all these 42 reports plus all the thematic papers they've that the Commission's produced over the last decade and and plus are on their website.
Naturally, I wanted to take this opportunity to thank you all very much for joining us.
And to your point, honey, about international attention, of course, through your dedication, hard work and that of your team and of course you colleagues in the media, that does indeed increase the chances of more international attention, which we desperately need for the crisis in Syria and so many others.
It's next Friday, the 18th of March, when the Commission of Inquiry will be here in person to present this report to the Human Rights Council.
And I note that the opening remarks were indeed shared with you.
So thanks once again and have a good afternoon.